May 12, 2012 - The Constantine Report    
Image
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
Image
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
Image
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
Image
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
Image
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
Image
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading

The Crisis in News: Is There a Future for Investigative Journalism? (Video)

This is a modified py-6 that occupies the entire horizontal space of its parent.

Summary: Investigative Reporting on the Web panel featuring panelists Jonathan Landman, The New York Times; Sharon Tiller, Frontline/WORLD; Paul Grabowicz, UC Berkeley; Jeff Leen, The Washington Post; Stephen Talbot Moderated.

This event was a part of a conference entitled The Crisis in News: Is There a Future for Investigative Journalism? sponsored by the Investigative Reporting Program, Graduate School of Journalism, University of California Berkeley.

http://fora.tv/2008/04/26/The_Crisis_in_News_Investigative_Reporting_on_the_Web

Re: THE SPANISH HOLOCAUST

Inquisition and Extermination in Twentieth-Century Spain

By Paul Preston

Illustrated. 700 pp. W. W. Norton & Company. $35.

By ADAM HOCHSCHILD

NewYork Times, May 11, 2012

Miners captured by General Franco’s forces in 1936, before their execution in Seville.

In “Homage to Catalonia,” his memoir of the Spanish Civil War, George Orwell remarks that Francisco Franco’s military uprising against Spain’s elected government “was an attempt not so much to impose fascism as to restore feudalism.” Paul Preston’s magisterial account of the bloodshed of that era bears this out. Fascism may belong to the 20th century, but Franco’s grab for power evokes earlier times: the parading soldiers who flourished enemy ears and noses on their bayonets, the mass public executions carried out in bullrings or with band music and onlookers dancing in the victims’ blood. One of Franco’s top aides talked of democratically chosen politicians as “cloven-hoofed beasts,” and anything that smacked of modernity — Rotary Clubs, Montessori schools — seemed to draw the regime’s violent wrath. Echoing the Inquisition, Franco ordered particularly despised foes put to death with the garrote, in which the executioner tightens an iron collar around a person’s neck.

There’s also something medieval in the fierce class divisions of 1930s Spain, with its great latifundistas, whose estates were worked by landless peasants so hungry they stole acorns from pigs’ troughs. Preston describes the “near racist” loathing Franco’s officials had for the lower classes; one contemptuously referred to unionized farmworkers as being like “Rif tribesmen.” Indeed, Franco’s leading commanders were mostly, like him, Africanistas, veterans of Spain’s bloody colonial wars in North Africa. As a young man, the generalissimo himself led troops on a raid that brought back the severed heads of 12 Moroccan tribesmen.

With Hitler and Mussolini supplying arms to Franco, and the Soviet Union to the embattled Spanish Republic, the death toll of the 1936-39 war was enormous. Some 200,000 soldiers died in battle, and a further large but unknown number of civilians were killed by Franco’s bombing of Spanish cities and of vast columns of refugees in flight. But Preston’s subject is something else: the approximately 200,000 men and women deliberately executed during the war, the 20,000 supporters of the Republic shot after it ended, and the additional tens of thousands of civilians and refugees who died in concentration camps and prisons.

An eminent and prolific British historian of modern Spain, Preston says this was “an extremely painful book to write.” It is also, unlike several of his other works, a difficult book to read. The newcomer to Spanish history will nowhere learn the difference between the Assault Guard and the Civil Guard, or between a Carlist and an integrist. Chapters roll on for 40 or 50 pages without a break. A blizzard of names of thousands of perpetrators and the towns where they carried out their tortures and killings overwhelms the reader. “The Spanish Holocaust” is not really a narrative but a comprehensive prosecutor’s brief. With its immense documentation — 120 pages of endnotes to both published and unpublished material in at least five languages, including corrections of errors in these sources — it is bound to be an essential reference for anything written on the subject for years to come.

In quashing democracy and timid agricultural reform, and in restoring the traditional hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church, the army, big landowners and an authoritarian state, the Spanish version of fascism was very much a fundamentalist movement. And like so many political and religious fundamentalisms, it had a particular ferocity toward women. Franco’s troops practiced gang rape to frighten newly captured towns into submission, and until media-savvy superiors silenced them, his officers even boasted about this to American and British correspondents. Tens of thousands of women had their heads shaved and were force-fed castor oil (a powerful laxative), then jeered as they were paraded through the streets soiling themselves. Many had their breasts branded with the Falangist symbol of yoke and arrows. In Toledo, a United Press correspondent reported, Franco’s soldiers shot more than 20 pregnant women from a maternity hospital. Much larger all-female groups were executed elsewhere. Troops marched through one town waving rifles adorned with the underwear of women they had raped and murdered. “It is necessary to spread terror,” one of Franco’s senior generals declared. “We have to create the impression of mastery, eliminating without scruples or hesitation all those who do not think as we do.”

Although Preston’s sympathies are clearly with the doomed Republic, to his credit he is equally thorough in exposing the killings committed under that government. Many supporters of the Republic had their own version of class hatred, murdering large numbers of captured army officers, other right-wingers and, most notoriously, nearly 7,000 members of the Catholic clergy and religious orders, who were seen as accomplices of the reactionary landowners. Among hundreds of other atrocities on the Republican side, Preston details the evasions of the longtime Communist Party leader Santiago Carrillo regarding his involvement in the massacre of more than 2,200 rightist prisoners in Madrid; the operations of some Soviet “advisers” who, supposedly on hand to aid the Republican Army, devoted themselves to hunting down anti-Stalinists on the Spanish left; and the harshly sadistic prisons operated by the Republic’s military intelligence service. Of the 200,000 estimated civilian wartime executions, more than 49,000 took place in Republican territory — a much smaller toll than that taken by the fascists, but still enormous.

There were crucial differences, how­ever. Most, though by no means all, Republican killings were by mob violence, not deliberate policy, in the first six months of the war, as popular outrage welled up after air raids and news of fascist atrocities. But — sometimes effectively, sometimes not, and often at great personal risk — certain Republican officials managed to restrain and sometimes even prosecute killers of civilians. Unlike the tightly controlled press in Franco’s territory, some newspapers condemned the killings. And the Republican government saved many lives by evacuating from the country more than 10,000 businessmen, priests and other right-wingers thought to be at particular risk. Nothing similar happened on the Falangist side.

Franco’s rule became less murderous in later times, but in the early years he ranks morally with Hitler and Stalin. In such a regime, I always wonder, were there any decent people who tried to stop the slaughter? Yes, it turns out. Preston gives one brief but haunting example. Father Fernando Huidobro Polanco was a 34-year-old Jesuit who enthusiastically volunteered as a chaplain for Franco’s troops. But he was dismayed to see them routinely shooting all their prisoners. He sent protests to high-level army officers and finally wrote to Franco himself that “many are dying who do not deserve such a fate and who could mend their ways.” To Franco’s adjutant, he protested in despair that “we are falling back into barbarism. . . . I do not want the new regime to be born with blood on its hands.” He was wounded but then returned to the front, ever more vocal. In 1937, he was killed in battle, supposedly by shrapnel from one of the Republic’s Soviet artillery shells. Ten years later the Jesuits began the lengthy process to have him canonized as a saint. But in the course of the investigation, it came out that he’d been shot in the back by a soldier from his own unit, “tired perhaps of the preaching of his chaplain,” Preston writes. “When it was discovered that Huidobro had been killed by the Francoists and not by the Reds, the Vatican shelved his case.”

Adam Hochschild is the author, most recently, of “To End All Wars: A Story of Loyalty and Rebellion, 1914-1918.” He is writing a book about Americans in the Spanish Civil War.  

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/13/books/review/the-spanish-holocaust-by-paul-preston.html

Murdoch Confidante Recalls Chummy Ties With British Leaders

New York Times Blogs, May 11, 2012

Former News International chief executive Rebekah Brooks leaves after giving evidence to the Leveson Inquiry into the ethics and practices of the media at the High Court in central London on Friday.

… So chummy were the relations between Britain’s political leaders and Rebekah Brooks, a former chief executive of Rupert Murdoch’s British newspaper subsidiary, that at one point Ms. Brooks found herself cheekily lecturing a future prime minister, David Cameron, about how to avoid humiliating himself by text message, she said.

“Occasionally he would sign them LOL — ‘lots of love,’ ” Ms. Brooks told the Leveson Inquiry on media ethics and practices, speaking of Mr. Cameron’s text messages to her when he was the leader of the opposition, “until I told him it meant ‘laugh out loud.’ Then he didn’t use that anymore.”

Ms. Brooks had been summoned to the inquiry to speak to its current focus: the relationship between politicians and the news media in Britain. The picture she painted was one of seemingly unfettered access for her and, implicitly, for her boss, Mr. Murdoch.

By her account, when political leaders were not arranging birthday parties for her or meeting her for cozy private dinners or sending her notes or attending her wedding, she was picking up the phone to chat with them — or sometimes to cajole or strong-arm them into seeing things her way.  …

FULL STORY: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/12/world/europe/rebekah-brooks-testify-leveson-inquiry.html?_r=1&hp

Rupert Murdoch’s big backer sounds News Corp warning

The Guardian, May 8, 2012

Prince Alwaleed bin Talal has been one of Rupert Murdoch’s staunchest supporters. Photograph: Yasser Al-Zayyat/AFP/Getty Images

Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, the second biggest shareholder in Rupert Murdoch‘s News Corporation, has revealed his frustration with the fallout from the News of the World phone-hacking scandal and admitted that it is harming the reputation of the company overall, not just its publishing interests.

Alwaleed is a nephew of Saudi Arabia’s King Abdullah, and, according to Forbes magazine, is the 29th wealthiest person in the world, with a fortune of $18bn (£11bn). He owns large stakes in Citigroup, Apple, Canary Wharf and London’s Savoy hotel as well as 7% of the voting shares in News Corp, which on Wednesday announces its results for the three months to the end of March. Analysts expect profits to rise around 19% from the same quarter last year.

Alwaleed said that although News Corp was “very diversified,” with interests covering books, magazines, newspapers, television and film, the phone-hacking scandal was having a company-wide effect. “I really hope that this is behind us because really it is not helping the name of the company,” he said. “We hope that this page is folded and put behind us because really it is not something to be proud of.”

News Corp investors have voiced concerns about the phone-hacking scandal since it erupted last year and, at the company’s AGM in October, several shareholders, including powerful pension fund CalPERS, called for the appointment of an independent chairman. Murdoch currently holds the position of chairman alongside that of chief executive. Alwaleed is one of Murdoch’s staunchest supporters and had never before spoken publicly about the wider impact of the scandal. …

FULL STORY: http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2012/may/08/murdoch-big-backer-news-corp?newsfeed=true

News Corp. Noose Tightens in the US

Hollywood Reporter – ‎May 10, 2012‎

It’s not just phone-hacking but also bribery allegations that have legal experts wondering just how much trouble the Murdochs face.

The News Corp. scandal is like a fast-moving wildfire that seems to be zero percent contained. Yet while many analysts on Wall Street don’t even smell smoke, there are several signs that the inferno could jump the Atlantic to its U.S. headquarters.

“We find it difficult to foresee meaningful problems for News Corp.’s non-U.K. assets, which represent the vast majority of News Corp.’s market capitalization,” BTIG analyst Richard Greenfield said in a May 1 report — the day that a British parliamentary panel found that CEO Rupert Murdoch is “not a fit person” to run the company that he built.

But the developments are worrisome enough that one longtime media investor says he wouldn’t own News Corp. stock, even though the company’s assets are strong and the share price is relatively low. “I don’t want to own the sweater because the sweater is unraveling,” he says.

News Corp. faces multiple investigations in the U.S. that have the potential to lead to staggering fines and even criminal proceedings going all the way to the top. And British attorney Mark Lewis, who led the charge in representing hacking victims in U.K. litigation, has threatened civil lawsuits in this country, too, potentially leading to more bad publicity and payouts. …

FULL STORY: http://www.hollywoodreporter.com/news/news-corp-rupert-murdoch-322632

Murdoch’s Shakespearean Tragedy

New Yorker (blog) – ‎May 9, 2012‎

Last Thursday, in Surrey, England, shortly after sunrise, British police  arrested a fifty-seven-year-old retired Scotland Yard detective. He was the  twenty-seventh person arrested in a bribery investigation known as Operation  Elveden, which is the most opaque but arguably the most important of the  multiple investigations of journalism and crime at News Corporation, the media  giant controlled by Rupert Murdoch. News Corp. has its headquarters in the  United States and is the parent company of Fox News, among other properties.

In comparison to the sensational revelations of phone and voicemail hacking  by News Corp. reporters in Britain—with alleged intrusions into the lives of the  British royal family and celebrities such as Elle Macpherson and Sienna  Miller—Operation Elveden lacks bold-faced names. It has the familiar grubbiness  of cash exchanged for favors.

Yet Elveden has the potential to upend News Corp. The known facts suggest  that behind a veil of police secrecy lies one of the most fraught and  treacherous crime and legal dramas ever to unfold inside a news organization.

Elveden’s investigators are looking into allegations that News Corp.  reporters bribed police, Army, and defense ministry officials—and possibly other  British officeholders—to win scoops and perhaps other business favors. That  means the evidence Elveden turns up could form the basis of charges in the  United States against News Corp. and its employees or executives under the  Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, which bars American-based companies from paying  off “foreign officials” in order “to obtain or retain business.”

The investigation began last July, when a fresh series of allegations about  phone hacking became public. At that time, it was also alleged that reporters at  Murdoch’s News of the World tabloid newspaper had paid as many as five  police officers at least a hundred thousand pounds in cash in exchange for  information. The Justice Department and the S.E.C., urged on by Democratic  members of Congress, reportedly opened F.C.P.A. investigations in the U.S., and  Operation Elveden was born in Britain.

Since then, other investigations of News Corp. have delivered fresh jaw-dropping  testimony and records. Lowell Bergman’s terrific “Frontline” documentary, first broadcast in late  March, provides a primer. Last week, a British parliamentary committee added a  long and lively report about Murdoch’s earlier obfuscation before it and  concluded, in a split verdict, that Murdoch was not a “fit and proper” person to  have a broadcast license. …

FULL STORY: http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/comment/2012/05/murdochs-shakespearean-tragedy.html

Murdoch scandal classic media baron

Stuff.co.nz, May 7, 2012
FRONT MEN: James Murdoch and his father, News Corp Chief Executive and Chairman Rupert Murdoch, appear before the Leveson Inquiry in London. If the phone hacking scandal gripping Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp empire has a familiar ring,

Board tries to slow Rupert’s fall

Sydney Morning Herald, May 7, 2012‎

But there was little reflection last week by the board of News Corp, which met quickly the day after the committee’s report and announced ”its full confidence in Rupert Murdoch’s fitness and support for his continuing to lead News Corporation into the

Murdoch tweets back against campaign for FCC probe

The Hill (blog), May 8, 2012

By Andrew Feinberg – 05/08/12 03:42 PM ET News Corp. founder Rupert Murdoch isn’t pleased about a campaign to have the Federal Communications Commission review his broadcast licenses. Numerous public advocacy groups have called on Congress to

Rupert Murdoch Still under Fire over Phone-Hacking Scandal

CRIENGLISH.com – ‎May 8, 2012‎ – Earlier this month, a report by a UK Parliamentary Investigation Committee concluded that Rupert Murdoch, founder of the News Corporation, is not a fit person to exercise the stewardship of a major international company. The report does not have the

The end of the media mogul?

Deutsche Welle, May 8, 2012
British lawmakers declared Rupert Murdoch unfit to run a major international company. Does this mark the end of the all-powerful media mogul in a democratic society?    

Last week, British lawmakers found that Rupert Murdoch should take “ultimate responsibility” for the illegal practice of phone hacking that has corroded his global media empire.

A cross-party parliamentary committee said the 81-year-old lacked credibility, adding that his company was guilty of “willful blindness” toward its staff at the News of the World tabloid.

It’s the latest in a series of blows for the man who has held sway over British politics for decades.

In the report, his company’s British newspaper arm was also criticized for misleading parliament during its investigation into the hacking of phones belonging to prominent public figures and victims in high-profile crimes.

That scandal led to a public outcry against scandal-mongering journalism and to the closure of the Sunday tabloid News of the World last summer. Initially, “rogue reporters” were blamed for the incident, but it has since emerged that the practice was widespread. Several journalists from the mass-circulation Sun newspaper, also owned by Murdoch, have now been arrested over allegations of phone hacking and bribery. …

FULL STORY: http://www.dw.de/dw/article/0,,15936495,00.html