April 2016 - The Constantine Report    
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

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March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading

The Panama 'Tax Scam' Lawyer, Son of Death's Head SS Officer

This is a modified py-6 that occupies the entire horizontal space of its parent.


  • Horst Mossack is German half-brother of Panama lawyer Jürgen Mossack

  • Told MailOnline unmasking of his sibling is ‘shocking news, astounding’ 

  • Father was in the S.S. and after is thought to have been a CIA spy in Cuba

  • Horst was treated as shameful as a child after being born out of wedlock

  • Last saw half-brother Jürgen 60 years ago and says will never meet again

The man behind a Panama ‘tax scam’ that guards the clandestine wealth of the global elite is the son of a Nazi SS officer from a unit known as the ‘Death’s Head division’.

Jürgen Mossack is at the heart of the biggest financial data leak in history, and has allegedly been helping world leaders, politicians and celebrities launder money, dodge sanctions and evade tax from his base in Panama.

It has now been revealed that his father, Erhard Mossack, was a member of the Nazi fighting unit known as the ‘Death’s Head division’, a dreaded force during the Second World War.

Today, his half-brother Horst, has spoken of his ‘shock and bewilderment’ at the news of the unmasking of his half-brother.

He described the twisted family history that led to the estrangement of the siblings, both of whom raised by a man who not only fought with the Nazis but later joined the CIA to carry out espionage on Cuba.

The 68-year-old Horst last saw his sibling Jürgen 60 years ago when he left the town of Fürth in Bavaria bearing the name of his father Erhard.

Now living in the Black Forest region of Germany, Horst was born out of wedlock to a woman called Luisa Herzog.

‘This was shameful in those days so I was put up for adoption,’ he told MailOnline. ‘My mother later went on to marry Erhard Mossack. I took that name later.

‘What has come out of Panama is shocking news, astounding, bewildering even, but I can’t say I feel shame because I have no connection in reality with him.

‘I left all those years ago and we never had contact again. He was just a child, so how can I say what I remember of him? All I know is that I heard that he went to London and lived there for quite some time.

‘He has a brother called Peter and a sister called Marion in Germany. Both my mother and their father are now dead.

‘I remember that Erhard Mossack, their father, was in the S.S. I believe after the war he became a journalist.’

German media have reported that Erhard served as a Rottenfuehrer – roughly corresponding to a senior corporal – in the Waffen, or fighting arm, of the dreaded

The Sueddeutsche Zeitung in Munich, one of the publications in the global alliance of newspapers which unmasked the activities of Jürgen Mossack’s firm in Panama, said Erhard served in a ‘Death’s Head’ unit of the S.S.

These were the units which ran the concentration camps. But if he was in the Waffen S.S. it probably meant he served in the Third Waffen S.S. Panzer Division Totenkopf.

Most of the division’s initial enlisted men were recruited from concentration camp guards and others were members of militias that had committed war crimes in Poland.

Due to its insignia, it was sometimes referred to as the ‘Death’s Head Division’. Members of the division committed war crimes – one of them against British soldiers.

The Le Paradis massacre was carried out by members of the 14th Company of the division.

It took place on May 27 1940, during the Battle of France, at a time when the British Expeditionary Force was attempting to retreat through the Pas-de-Calais region during the Battle of Dunkirk.

Soldiers of the 2nd Battalion, the Royal Norfolk Regiment, had become isolated from their regiment. They occupied and defended a farmhouse against an attack by Waffen S.S. forces in the village of Le Paradis. After running out of ammunition, the defenders surrendered to the German troops.

But the Germans machine-gunned the men after surrendering, with survivors killed with bayonets. Two men survived with injuries, and were hidden by locals until they were captured by German forces several days later.

According to the Sueddeutsche, Erhard was captured by the Americans in Munich after the war with a list of Nazi ‘Werewolf’ members upon him.

The Werewolf units were intended to fight on as a guerrilla force after the surrender, but this never happened.

The newspaper said it applied to the German Federal Intelligence Service, the BND, for information about him. The BND confirmed documents existed on him but said they would not be released becauve this could endanger ‘the well-being of the Federal Republic of Germany or one of its members’.

In 1948 he left Germany with his family to settle in Panama, and later returned to Munich with his wife during the 70s. He died in the 1990s, his wife followed five years ago.

According to reports, U.S. Army intelligence archives hold a file on him as he allegedly offered his services to the U.S. government as an informant, claiming ‘he was about to join a clandestine organisation, either of former Nazis now turned Communist… or of unconverted Nazis cloaking themselves as Communists.’

An Army intelligence officer wrote that the offer to spy for the U.S. might simply be ‘a shrewd attempt to get out of an awkward situation’.

Nevertheless, the old intelligence files indicate that Mossack’s father later ended up in Panama, where he offered to spy, this time for the CIA, on Communist activity in nearby Cuba.

The children Peter and Marion returned to Germany in the 1970s; brother Peter is the Honorary Consul for Panama based in Frankfurt.

In 1952 a book by Erhard Mossack was published in Germany called The Last Days of Nuremberg, detailing the capture of the city to American forces in 1945.

Horst Mossack says he believes the father of Jürgen was the author.

He added; ‘I don’t expect I will ever see Jürgen again. If I did I would ask him exactly what went on.’

Meanwhile, the second man behind the Panama firm, a lawyer named Ramon Fonseca Mora, has been revealed to be an award-winning novelist famous for his salacious plots.

As a young man Fonseca reportedly wanted to be a priest, before age and materialism took over. On joining forces with partner Mossack, he told a journalist in 2012, ‘Together, we have created a monster.’

In among accounts he follows on Twitter are a fair amount of 18+ accounts – at first glance the naked bottom of ‘Horny Cherry’ sits alongside the official account of the President of Argentina Mauricio Macri.

Fonseca is currently on a leave of absence, according to the ICIJ, which is part of 100 outlets to have worked together on the leak.

This article originally appeared in the April 4, 2016 number of the Daily Mail.


The U.S. government has a poor record of managing people that it protects and builds up. A new case came to light recently as the Daily Mirror and Daily Mail featured the story of Klaus Barbie, the Nazi who killed hundreds of people during the war, only to enjoy CIA protection and become a narco-captain.

LOS ANGELES, CA (Catholic Online) – Osama bin Laden, Saddam Hussein, Klaus Barbie, what do these men have in common? They’re all people built up by the U.S. government and the Central Intelligence Agency, only to turn their backs on the United States and become enemies.

The story of Klaus Barbie has now been told by the Daily Mirror and the Daily Mail, recounting the story of Klaus Barbie’s postwar career.

During World War II, Barbie served as a Gestapo officer, in charge of Nazi security in France. Dubbed “The Butcher of Lyon,” he ruthlessly hunted French resistance fighters and went so far as to send entire families to their deaths in camps. His counterinsurgency skills made him valuable after the war and at a time when most of his colleagues were dangling at the ends of nooses, he was enjoying CIA protection. The U.S. government wanted him to aid their fight against communism in South America.

At first, he helped the CIA gather information on French spies in the French-controlled sector of Germany. The CIA wanted to spy on the French because they feared that France could become a communist state after the war. However, the French soon learned that Barbie was alive and being used by the CIA.

The CIA decided to whisk him away for safekeeping, so they changed his name to Klaus Altmann, with the help of a sympathetic Vatican official who aided the CIA, Fr. Krunoslav Dragnovic, a Croatian.

Smuggled into Bolivia, with the help of the Vatican, Barbie went to work at a lumber mill and for a decade he laid low.  However, by 1960, he started to advise the Bolivian military on torture techniques.

Barbie joined the Bolivian Army and became a colonel. He was subsequently enlisted by the CIA to help hunt and kill Che Guevara, an endeavor at which he succeeded.

He then built an illicit alliance with a  hit squad called, “Fiances of Death,” and teamed up with a rising drug lord, Pablo Escobar, and helped the kingpin establish a $60 billion per year drug empire. He routinely tortured people, using electric shocks, sexual abuse, breaking bones and other forms of torture to intimidate people.

As Escobar’s pet Nazi, he was instrumental in protecting the drug king from prosecution.
According to Peter McFarren, an American journalist who interviewed Barbie on several occasions, Barbie traveled across South America, “He was the liaison between these kings of cocaine and the government, military and mercenaries.”

As Barbie went about his routine business, he also trafficked arms, as a side venture.

Barbie became so powerful, he was safe from arrest and deportation to France. Nobody dared to touch him.

By 1980, fearing the takeover of a Communist regime in Bolivia, they plotted a military coup. A communist government would arrest Barbie and deport him to France where he remained a wanted man. A military dictatorship took over in Bolivia and Barbie became a well-regarded public figure.

Eventually, the military dictatorship collapsed and in 1983, Barbie suddenly found the tables turned against him. He was arrested and extradited to France.

He was 70 when his trial began. He was convicted and sentenced to life in prison in July 1987. Four years later, he died of leukemia.

Klaus Barbie was a notorious Nazi, who killed thousands of people during the war and across South America. However, because the U.S. government was afraid of communism, the CIA shielded him and recruited him to ply his sinister trade in South America. When he became too powerful for the CIA to control, he went to work for himself, helping to establish the cocaine trade and a military dictatorship.

Barbie is just one more person that the U.S. government tried to control and manipulate, only to see the entire operation backfire.

Associated Press, October 7, 2008

WASHINGTONGOP presidential nominee John McCain has past connections to a private group that supplied aid to guerrillas seeking to overthrow the leftist government of Nicaragua in the Iran-Contra affair.

McCain’s ties are facing renewed scrutiny after his campaign criticized Barack Obama for his link to a former radical who engaged in violent acts 40 years ago.

The U.S. Council for World Freedom was part of an international organization linked to former Nazi collaborators and ultra-right-wing death squads in Central America. The group was dedicated to stamping out communism around the globe.

The council’s founder, retired Army Maj. Gen. John Singlaub, said McCain became associated with the organization in the early 1980s as McCain was launching his political career in Arizona. Singlaub said McCain was a supporter but not an active member in the group.

“McCain was a new guy on the block learning the ropes,” Singlaub told The Associated Press in an interview. “I think I met him in the Washington area when he was just a new congressman. We had McCain on the board to make him feel like he wasn’t left out. It looks good to have names on a letterhead who are well-known and appreciated.

“I don’t recall talking to McCain at all on the work of the group,” Singlaub said.

The renewed attention over McCain’s association with Singlaub’s group comes as McCain’s campaign steps up criticism of Obama’s dealings with William Ayers, a college professor who co-founded the Weather Underground and years later worked on education reform in Chicago alongside Obama. Ayers held a meet-the-candidate event at his home when Obama first ran for public office in the mid-1990s.

Obama was roughly 8 years old when Ayers, now at the University of Illinois at Chicago, was working with the Weather Underground, which took responsibility for bombings that included nonfatal blasts at the Pentagon and U.S. Capitol. McCain’s vice presidential nominee, Sarah Palin, has said that Obama “pals around with terrorists.”

In McCain’s case, Singlaub knew McCain’s father, a Navy admiral who had sought Singlaub’s counsel when McCain, a Navy pilot, became a prisoner of war and spent 5½ years in North Vietnamese hands.

“John’s father asked me for advice about what he ought to do now that his son had been shot down and captured,” Singlaub recalled in one of two recent interviews. “I said, ‘As long as you don’t give any impression that you care more about him than you care about any of the other prisoners, he won’t be treated any differently.'”

Covert arms shipments to the rebels called Contras, financed in part by secret arms sales to Iran, became known as the Iran-Contra affair. They proved to be the undoing of Singlaub’s council.

In 1987, the Internal Revenue Service withdrew the tax-exempt status of Singlaub’s group because of its activities on behalf of the Contras.

Elected to the House in 1982 and at a time when he was on the board of Singlaub’s council, McCain was among Republicans on Capitol Hill expressing support for the Contras, a CIA-organized guerrilla force in Central America. In 1984, Congress cut off CIA funds for the Contras.

Months before the cutoff, top Reagan administration officials ramped up a secret White House-directed supply network and put National Security Councilaide Oliver North in charge of running it. The goal was to keep the Contras operational until Congress could be persuaded to resume CIA funding.

Singlaub’s private group became the public cover for the White House operation.

Secretly, Singlaub worked with North in an effort to raise millions of dollars from foreign governments.

McCain has said previously he resigned from the council in 1984 and asked in 1986 to have his name removed from the group’s letterhead.

“I didn’t know whether (the group’s activity) was legal or illegal, but I didn’t think I wanted to be associated with them,” McCain said in a newspaper interview in 1986.

Singlaub does not recall any McCain resignation in 1984 or May 1986. Nor does Joyce Downey, who oversaw the group’s day-to-day activities.

“That’s a surprise to me,” Singlaub said. “This is the first time I’ve ever heard that. There may have been someone in his office communicating with our office.”

“I don’t ever remember hearing about his resigning, but I really wasn’t worried about that part of our activities, a housekeeping thing,” said Singlaub. “If he didn’t want to be on the board that’s OK. It wasn’t as if he had been active participant and we were going to miss his help. He had no active interest. He certainly supported us.”


This essay is dedicated to Mohamedou Slahi, author of Guantánamo Diary. Slahi has been imprisoned at the detention camp at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba since 2002. In all these years, the United States has never charged him with a crime. A federal judge ordered his release in March 2010, but the U.S. government fought that decision, and there is no sign that the United States plans to let him go. It is also an homage to investigative journalists.

It’s all starting to fit together for me after reading Eric Lichtblau’s The Nazis Next Door: How America Became a Safe Haven for Hitler’s Men Like most children of the 60s, I grew up believing in the Hollywood version of wwii—that the U.S. fought Hitler’s brutal forces of fascism from spreading across the face of the earth and brought it to an end.

Check out our public schools’ history books and you’ll discover that an important part of the victory has been intentionally omitted: Russia deserved a good deal of the credit for beating back the Nazis.  Millions of Russians died fighting Hitler’s vicious war machine.  Indeed, Victory Day, May 9th, is hugely celebrated in Russia every year. However, ask most American high school students if they know the significance ofMay 7th or the 9th and predictably you’ll be met with a bunch of blank faces. Moreover, the Russians were partly responsible for having liberated victims of concentration camps.  The truth is that the partnership between the U.S. and Russia finished off Hitler’s Third Reich for good.  Like most Americans, I believed that Nazism came to an end on Victory Day, 1945.

But some fifty years later, thanks to the hard work of investigative journalist, Eric Lichtblau, including journalists in the 60s and 70s that were hounded by the cia and J. Edgar Hoover’s fbi, for what they discovered, we’re learning more about the appalling truth on what actually happened after wwii.

In Lichtblau’s The Nazis Next Door, I learned how the cia-Pentagon eagerly recruited “ten thousand SS officers from top Third Reich policymakers, including sixteen hundred Nazi scientists and doctors with direct links to Nazi atrocities.”  The Pentagon-CIA helped to “cleanse” their war records under the top secret document known as “Project Paperclip.”  As Lichtblau explained, it was far easier to enter the US if you held SS Nazi credentials than if you were a victim of Hitler’s persecutions. The government provided thousands of the most heinous Nazi torturers and murderers “visas, houses, offices, and research assistance.” Lichtblau revealed that the horrific war crimes committed by the Nazis were of no concern to the U.S. government.  The feds wanted the information that resulted from SS Nazi operations.

While Nazis were being secretly welcomed into our country, most victims of the Holocaust were denied entrance to the U.S. with very few exceptions. “Holocaust survivors were denied visas en masse while Nazi collaborators and SS members of Hitler’s reign of persecution, men who had proudly worn the Nazi uniform, were often able to enter the United States as war refugees who ended up living long, happy, prosperous lives.”

I think of one example from many given in Lichtblau’s first chapter: a top Nazi cabinet minister responsible for ordering the murder and imprisonment of some 600,000 of his countrymen, known as the “Butcher of the Balkans,” and how he happily entered the United States, no problems, compliments of the cia and U.S. immigration officials, and how he became “simply another visitor traveling . . . ”

I believe this is a very important book to read not only for the sake of setting the record straight on this dark chapter in our history, but because it also raises the infamous question: Did those thousands of Nazis that were allowed to work in the Pentagon and the cia help to shape U.S. foreign and domestic policies after wwii?

All you have to do is read the CIA’s Torture Report and then compare notes with the criminal Nazi war policies: the practice of torture, illegal invasions, presidential assassinations of individuals that the U.S. President chooses to kill, including U.S. citizens, without trial, due process or burden of proof, psychological warfare, intrusive and illegal surveillance of national and international phone calls, e-mails, text communication, computers, homes, extraordinary rendition i.e. illegal kidnappings, locking prisoners up as “enemy combatants,” which means that they are denied all judicial and legal rights, prosecutions of ethical journalists/whistle-blowers, secret ciablack cells in which the same torture techniques that were used on Holocaust victims were-are applied to detainees, and worst of all: medical experimentation on human beings, “detainees,” to see how much pain and suffering they can endure. Many were murdered from the intensified torture practices.

As Mike Lofgren explained in his recent article “The Implication of the Torture Report“:

“Chillingly, ‘enhanced interrogation’ is a literal translation of the German verschärfte Vernehmung, a term introduced by a Gestapo directive of June 12, 1942, to describe permissible methods of interrogating prisoners. Post-World War II war crimes tribunals judged the techniques described in the directive—techniques strikingly similar to those employed six decades later by the cia—to be war crimes. It should also be noted that a Japanese sergeant at Changi Prison in Singapore was sentenced to 20 years at hard labor after World War II for waterboarding prisoners.”

Over the years I’ve struggled with the conclusion that the U.S. occupations, surveillance, and torture policies have made us look like the bad guys in the eyes of the world.  And it seems that our soldiers have been struggling with that same question as well. In addition to physical wounds, the mental wounds of fighting continuous wars have led to drug addictions and suicides. Twenty-two U.S. veterans commit suicide a day, a toll that has surpassed the number of soldiers killed in combat.

But here’s the worst of it. Historians have often asked the question: How could the German people allow someone like Hitler to rise to power? Why did they eagerly applaud Hitler’s racist speeches of hate and bigotry like sheep?  Someday, historians will ask the same questions about the American people and their government concerning U.S. torture prisons at Abu Graib and Guantánamo Bay.  Will Americans care? Will they be outraged that these crimes against humanity were committed in their names? Will they strongly demand an end to the cia-wars? Inevitably, I fear the answer to those questions.  And that, perhaps, is the most disturbing revelation of all.

Selected quotes are from Eric Lichtblau’s book The Nazis Next Door: How America Became a Safe Haven for Hitler’s Men.

Jacqueline Marcus is the editor of Forpoetry.com and EnvironmentalPress.com.  She is a contributing guest writer for Buzzflash at Truthout.org.  She is the author of Close to the Shore by Michigan State University Press. Her E-book, Man Cannot Live on Oil, Alone: Time to end our dependency on oil before it ends us, is available at Kindle Books. She taught philosophy for twenty years at Cuesta College, San Luis Obispo, California. Her essays, “The Beauty of Sadness: An Essential Human Emotion Exiled in a War Society” and “Neruda” appeared at the North American Review blog.

Eric Lichtblau is a New York Times investigative reporter in Washington.  In 2006 he won a Pulitzer Prize for stories on the nsa’s secret wiretapping operations.  He is the author of Bush’s Law: The Remaking of American Justice.

This commentary is reposted with permission of the North America Review, where it first appeared earlier this month

   In 1920, under a League of Nations mandate, officials from France and Great Britain carved up vast tracts of warlord-dominated territories in Arabia into what they imagined would be nation states devoid of the complex historical, cultural, and tribal realities of the Mideast.

Instead of establishing European-style nation states, the strongest warlords quickly entrenched themselves with the aid of standing armies and spy networks. In much of the Mideast, fealty is often accorded to tribal overlords and the Islamic sects they favor rather than to the territory and people within the boundaries of the nation state. Jonathan Rabin succinctly defines the reality, past and present, of the desert sheikdoms: “The systems of government that have evolved in Syria, Iraq and Saudi Arabia are paranoid family dictatorships with ancestral roots in a single city or village.” (1)   Islamic fundamentalists like Osama bin Laden make their appeals to the nation or community of believers, not to any particular nation state, although the rich and powerful among the Muslims have founded Western-style businesses and formed corporations both inside and outside the boundaries of their native countries. Because Osama himself is a scion of a rich Saudi family with wide-ranging business interests throughout the world, the split Saudi personality is most evident in him and the bin Laden clan. Osama, who calls America “The Great Satan,” has done business with the infidel Americans whenever it suited him.   Throughout the eighties, when the United States assisted the Saudis in a giant military buildup of airfields, ports, and bases throughout the kingdom, many of the contracts were awarded to the largest construction company in Saudi Arabia, the Saudi Binladen Group, founded by Osama bin Laden’s father.

    At the same time, the United States trained and armed troops in Afghanistan to fight the Soviets. The United States and Saudi Arabia spent about $40 billion on the war in Afghanistan, recruiting, supplying, and training nearly 100,000 radical mujahideen from forty Muslim countries, including Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Algeria, and Afghanistan itself. Among the recruits were Osama bin Laden and his followers. (2)

   With C.I.A. funding, Osama bin Laden imported engineers and equipment from his father’s Saudi construction company to build tunnels for guerrilla training centers and hospitals, and for arms dumps near the Pakistan border. After the Soviets withdrew from Afghanistan, the C.I.A. and the Pakistani intelligence agency sponsored the Taliban organization, a government composed of the fanatic Wahhabi Islamic sect, the same sect that is the state religion in Saudi Arabia. Although followers of the Wahhabi sect do not refer to themselves as Wahhabis, the label is useful because it applies to a single Muslim group with a set of beliefs peculiar to them alone: Wahhabis maintain that Shi’ites and Sufis are not Muslims, and that Muslims should not visit shrines or celebrate Mohammed’s birthday. (3)   The Saudi sheiks have been Wahhabis since they intermarried with the family of a puritanical Muslim scholar, Mohammed ibn Abd al-Wahhab, in 1774. Supported first by Britain and later by the United States, the Saudis captured the Muslim holy cities of Mecca and Medina, easily gaining control of the entire Arabian peninsula.

Wherever they ruled, the Wahhabis imposed their medieval code on their hapless subjects, making public spectacles of stoning adulterers to death and maiming thieves, destroying decorated mosques and cemeteries, prohibiting music, sequestering women, and promoting war on infidels. The Saudi sheiks have lavished funds on anti-American and anti-Israeli terrorists-in-training while indoctrinating other Muslims through its worldwide network of religious schools, mosques, newspapers, and presses.


   The Wahhabi Taliban in Afghanistan had the blessings of the Saudi royal family and of The Big Three–the bin Laden family, the al Ahmoudi family, and the Mahfouz family–the richest clans in that medieval kingdom. (Khalid bin Mahfouz is bin Laden’s brother-in-law, according to the C.I.A.). The desert oligarchs profited from world-wide investments as well as sleazy banking schemes such as the infamous Bank of Credit and Commerce International.   Salem bin Laden, Osama’s brother, has conducted all his American affairs through James Bath, a Houston crony of the Bush family. Bath’s former business partner Bill White testified in court that Bath had been a liaison for the C.I.A. In 1979 Bath invested $50,000 in Arbusto, George W. Bush’s first business venture. Rumor had it that Bath was acting as Salem bin Laden’s representative. “In conflicting statements, Bush at first denied ever knowing Bath, then acknowledged his stake in Arbusto and that he was aware Bath represented Saudi interests.” (4)   In addition to doing aviation business with Saudi sheiks, Bath was part owner of a Houston bank whose chief stockholder was Ghaith Pharaon, who represented the Bank of Commerce and Credit International (BCCI), a criminal global bank with branches in 73 countries. BCCI proceeded to defraud depositors of $10 billion during the ’80s, while providing a money laundry conduit for the Medellin drug cartel, Asia’s major heroin cartel, Manuel Noriega, Saddam Hussein, the C.I.A., and Islamist terrorist organizations worldwide. (5)   Big Three wheeler-dealer Khalid bin Mahfouz, one of the largest stockholders in the criminal bank, was indicted when the massive BCCI banking scandal blew apart in the early 1990s. The Saudi royal family placed him under house arrest after discovering that Mahfouz had used the royal bank to channel millions of dollars through fake charities into bin Laden’s organizations, but Mahfouz was not so much punished as inconvenienced. (6)   Members of the Wahhabist Saudi oligarchy are driven by the sometimes conflicting emotions of power lust and religious fervor. Their support of radical Islamists follows from their ambition to dominate the Muslim world, but their fear that radical Islamists might overthrow the Saudi regime at home motivates them to fund and encourage holy warriors in countries other than their own.   As Daniel Pipes points out, jihad (holy war) is a central tenet of Muslim belief . “According to one calculation, Muhammad himself engaged in 78 battles, of which just one (the Battle of the Ditch) was defensive. Within a century after the prophet’s death in 632, Muslim armies had reached as far as India in the east and Spain in the west. ” (7)   Pipes traces the bloody advance of fundamentalist jihadists against their twentieth century co-religionists. “Islamists, besides adhering to the primary conception of jihad as armed warfare against infidels, have also adopted as their own Ibn Taymiya’s call to target impious Muslims. This approach acquired increased salience through the 20th century as Islamist thinkers . . . promoted jihad against putatively Muslim rulers who failed to live up to or apply the laws of Islam. The revolutionaries who overthrew the Shah of Iran in 1979 and the assassins who gunned down President Anwar Sadat of Egypt two years later overtly held to this doctrine. So does Osama bin Laden.”   In 1989, bin Laden established al Qaeda (the Base) in Afghanistan to organize extremist Wahhabis and disperse their networks throughout the country. A year later, he returned to Saudi Arabia and founded a welfare agency for Arab-Afghan veterans. Bin Laden hoped to mobilize the veterans as a kind of religious-military army, but King Faud discouraged the venture. When King Faud invited 540,000 American troops to the kingdom to fight in the Gulf War, bin Laden lambasted the royal family and urged religious authorities to issue fatwahs (religious rulings) condemning the American infidels.   In 1991, Osama bin Laden and a band of Afghan veterans agitated in Sudan for a holy war against the enemies of Islam. In 1992, he claimed responsibility for the attack on American soldiers in Yemen, and again for attacks in Somalia in 1993. He was mum about the terrorist truck bombing of the World Trade Center in 1993, the explosion that killed six people and injured more than a thousand, but investigators knew bin Laden had donated heavily to the religious “charity” that financed the bombing operation.

Spiked Investigations

   In February 1995, when he was appointed chief of the F.B.I.’s counter-terrorism section in Washington, John O’Neill immediately assembled and coordinated a team to capture Ramzi Yousef, who was en route from Pakistan to Afghanistan. Yousef was strongly suspected of planning and directing the World Trade Center bombing in 1993.

In three days, the kingpin of the World Trade Center bombing was in custody, and O’Neill went on to accumulate damning evidence against the 1993 World Trade bombers that led to their conviction in American courts. For the next six years, John O’Neill tirelessly investigated terrorist strikes against Americans and American interests in Saudi Arabia, East Africa, and Yemen, often encountering American officials’ roadblocks on the way. Even in 1996, after Jamal Ahmed al-Fadl turned himself in at the American Embassy in Eritrea and divulged details of bin Laden’s and al Qaeda’s organization and operations, the State Department refused to list al Qaeda as a terrorist organization.

   In February 1998, bin Laden assembled a number of terrorist groups, including Islamic Jihad, and issued a fierce fatwa calling for the deaths of all Americans. On August 7, 1998, 226 people died in the simultaneous bombing of American embassies in Tanzania and Kenya. Investigators blamed bin Laden for the attacks. On August 20, 1998, President Clinton amended Executive Order 12947 to add Osama bin Laden and his key associates to the list of terrorists, thus blocking their US assets–including property and bank accounts–and prohibiting all U.S. financial transactions with them. The United States conducted a missile attack against bin Laden’s facilities in Afghanistan.   On October 12, 2000, two suicide bombers ignited their boatload of explosives next to the USS Cole, an American destroyer refueling in Aden, off the coast of Yemen. The blast killed seventeen sailors and wounded thirty-nine others. O’Neill and his crack investigating team were dispatched to Yemen and hit a stone wall. He had hoped satellite intercepts of phone calls between an al Qaeda operative in Aden and Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan would lead him to the mastermind of the Cole attack, but the American ambassador and the Yemeni officials blocked the investigation at every turn.    O’Neill resigned from the F.B.I. in July 2001 and signed on as security chief for the World Trade Center in September. He died in the WTC attack on September 11, 2001.

Oil Diplomacy

   In Forbidden Truth: U.S.-Taliban Secret Oil Diplomacy and the Failed Hunt for bin Laden, two French intelligence analysts, Jean-Charles Brisard and Guillaume Dasquie, claim that the Clinton and Bush administrations impeded investigations of bin Laden and his al Qaeda terrorist group in order to maintain good relations with Saudi Arabia and to maintain the stability of the oil market. “As the late John O’Neill told one of the authors [Brisard] of this book, ‘All of the answers, all of the clues allowing us to dismantle Osama bin Laden’s organization, can be found in Saudi Arabia.'” (8)

   In articles and interviews, Brisard has expanded on this statement, pronouncing the official story about bin Laden’s exile from his native Saudi Arabia in 1994 and his frozen assets to be a canard. Not only did O’Neill and the F.B.I. have extensive information concerning the finances of bin Laden and al Qaeda, but the business connections between the bin Ladens, the Mahfouzes, the al Ahmoudis, the Saudi royal family, and the Bush family kept turning up in their investigations.   Mahfouz, who owns Nimir Petroleum, has conducted joint ventures with the al Amoudi family, which owns Delta Oil. Delta Oil and Unocal planned to build a pipeline through Afghanistan before the Taliban backed away. These Saudi companies are still partnered with bigger oil companies (such as Texaco and Unocal) in developing Central Asian oil projects.   Although Brisard’s interpretation of events has been disputed, the documentation ofForbidden Truth is impeccable. Clearly, the finances and fortunes of the Saudi oligarchs and the Bush family have been intertwined for many years, and oil has been the lubricant of choice, even non-existent oil.   In The Conspirators, Al Martin describes an instance of the latter. He says that the Gulf Oil Drilling Supply, of New York, Miami, and Bahrain, was Jeb Bush’s favorite artifice for oil and gas frauds:

“The fraud was rather simple. Richard Secord arranged through then Vice President George Bush Sr.’s old friend, Ghaith Pharaon, the then retired head of Saudi intelligence, for Gulf Oil and Drilling to purchase from the Saudi government oil and gas leases in the Gulf which were effectively worthless.”

    The leases would be embellished to appear extremely valuable and then used as loan collateral. Great American Bank and Trust of West Palm Beach subsequently failed under the weight of unpaid Iran-Contra loans.

“Also, in the case of Gulf Oil Drilling Supply, there was some moderately large international lending to that company. As you would suspect, it was principally out of the old George Bush friendly banks–Credit Lyonnais and Banque Paribas, which, combined lent $60 million dollars to Gulf Oil Drilling Supply, which, of course, was defaulted on later.” (9)

Special Saudis

   Michael Springmann, formerly chief of the visa section at the US Embassy in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, claims that he rejected hundreds of suspicious visa applications, but the C.I.A. officer overruled him and ordered the visas to be issued. Springmann protested to the State Department, the Office of Diplomatic Security, the F.B.I., the Justice Department and congressional committees, but in vain. (10)   Springmann observed that 15 of the 19 people who allegedly flew airplanes into buildings in the United States got their visas from the same CIA-dominated consulate in Jeddah. As a special favor to residents of Saudi Arabia (including non-Saudi citizens), applicants for non-immigrant visas can apply at private travel agencies and receive their visa through the mail. During the months following the 9-11 attack, 102 applicants received their visas by mail, 2 more were interviewed, and none were rejected.   The Saudis always got special treatment. In a November 6, 2001 BBC broadcast Greg Palast revealed just how special that treatment was. Even after Pakistan expelled the World Association of Muslim Youth (WAMY) and India claimed that the organization was linked to terrorist bombings in Kashmir and the Philippines military accused WAMY of funding Muslim insurgency, the F.B.I. got orders to leave the “charitable association” alone.     After 9/11, investigators of the Islamic charities discovered overwhelming evidence that Saudis at all levels worked in tandem with the terrorists. David Kaplin reports, “At the Saudi High Commission in Bosnia, which coordinated local aid among Saudi charities, police found before-and-after photos of the World Trade Center, files on pesticides and crop dusters, and information on how to counterfeit State Department badges. At Manila’s international airport, authorities stopped Agus Dwikarna, an al Haramain representative based in Indonesia. In his suitcase were C4 explosives.” The interlocking charities make it difficult to follow the money trail. “Many share directors, office space, and cash flow. For two years, investigators have followed the money to offshore trusts and obscure charities which, according to court records, they believe are tied to Hamas, al Qaeda, and other terrorist groups.” (US News and World Report, December 15, 2003).

“The White House official line is that the Bin Ladens are above suspicion –apart from Osama, the black sheep, who they say hijacked the family name. That’s fortunate for the Bush family and the Saudi royal household, whose links with the Bin Ladens could otherwise prove embarrassing. But Newsnight has obtained evidence that the FBI was on the trail of other members of the Bin Laden family for links to terrorist organisations before and after September 11th.” (11)

     In the Boston Globe, March 11, 20004, Carl Unger, author of House of Bush, House of Saud: The Secret Relationship Between the World’s Two Most Powerful Dynasties, states that the 9/11 commission should ask who authorized the evacuation of 140 Saudi nationals on at least 8 aircraft making stops in 12 cities immediately following the attacks. “Many of the passengers were high-ranking members of the royal House of Saud. About 24 of them were members of the bin Laden family, which owned the Saudi Binladin Group, a multibillion-dollar construction conglomerate.” Unger obtained passenger lists for 4 of the flights, which are posted on his website: www.houseofbush.com and includes the name of Prince Ahmed bin Salman.

“As reported last year by Gerald Posner in ‘Why America Slept,’ Prince Ahmed not only had alleged ties to Al Qaeda, but may also have known in advance that there would be attacks on 9/11. According to Posner, Abu Zubaydah, an Al Qaeda operative who was part of Osama bin Laden’s inner circle and was captured in 2002, made these assertions when he was interrogated by the CIA. The commission should ask Mueller about Zubaydah’s interrogation. They should also ask whether the FBI interrogated Prince Ahmed before his departure.

“But Prince Ahmed will never be able to answer any questions because not long after the CIA interrogation, he died of a heart attack at the age of 43. Yet we do know that he was on one of the flights.”

Unger believes that this episode “raises particularly sensitive questions for the administration. Never before in history has a president of the United States had such a close relationship with another foreign power as President Bush and his father have had with the Saudi royal family, the House of Saud. I have traced more than $1.4 billion in investments and contracts that went from the House of Saud over the past 20 years to companies in which the Bushes and their allies have had prominent positions — Harken Energy, Halliburton, and the Carlyle Group among them. Is it possible that President Bush himself played a role in authorizing the evacuation of the Saudis after 9/11? What did he know and when did he know it?”

   In October 2001, the Treasury Department identified the Muwafaq Foundation, largely endowed by Khalid bin Mahfouz, as an al Qaeda front that had funneled millions of dollars to bin Laden. Some families of the 9/11 victims have named Mahfouz and dozens of prominent Saudis, including members of the royal family, in a lawsuit that accuses the Saudis of funding the 9/11 terrorists. Bush administration officials stated that they would seek to have the suit dismissed or delayed.(12)

   Senators Bob Graham and Richard C. Shelby, leaders of the congressional panel ending an investigation of the 9/11 attacks, said the administration should declassify information concerning Saudi funding of terrorists.   “Citing ‘their people and a lot of their leaders and probably even the royal family,’ Shelby said: ‘I believe [the Saudis] cannot support so-called charities that support terrorism on a big scale, and then pretend that they’re our friends or our allies.

“‘As we get into the money trail, it might be embarrassing, but the American people need to know; the victims and their families need to know,’ he added. Shelby and Graham said avoiding embarrassment and maintaining good relations with Saudi Arabia are not legitimate reasons to withhold information from the public.

    “‘The question is,’ Graham said after the news conference, ‘will we get [the information declassified] in 30 years when the archives are open, or will we get it in time, before the next attack?'” (13)   Doubtless one of the connections the senators referred to was the Princess Haifa, the wife of Prince Bandar, Saudi ambassador to the United States for the last twenty years, the longest serving ambassador in Washington. Princess Haifa had been making monthly transfers, $130,000 in all, from her Washington bank account to a needy woman who relayed some of the checks to her husband and another man who assisted and funded the two hijackers who were based in San Diego.(14)    “The money moved into the family’s bank account beginning in early 2000, just a few months after hijackers Khalid Almidhar and Nawaf Alhazmi arrived in Los Angeles from an Al Qaeda planning summit in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, according to the sources. Within days of the terrorists’ arrival in the United States, Al Bayoumi befriended the two men who would eventually hijack American Flight 77, throwing them a welcoming party in San Diego and guaranteeing their lease on an apartment next door to his own. Al Bayoumi also paid $1,500 to cover the first two months of rent for Al Midhar and Alhazmi, although officials said it is possible that the hijackers later repaid the money.” (15)

Prince Bandar and Princess Haifa professed their ignorance of the whole affair.   Mark Stein speculates about the recent visit Prince Bandar and Princess Haifa paid to George and Laura at the Crawford ranch, where they were received with the accolades usually reserved for heads of state. Bush must have known about the money transfers and Bandar must have known Bush knew, but apparently a good time was had by all.

    “Meanwhile, Majeda Ibrahin, the woman the princess was sending all that money to, turns out to be married to Osama Basnan, another buddy of the al-Qa’eda duo, and one who subsequently celebrated 11 September as a ‘wonderful, glorious day’. But here’s an odd little thing: Mr Basnan is known to have been in Texas in April when Crown Prince Abdullah and his entourage flew in to the state to see Bush at the ranch. Just another coincidence? Well, sorta: he’s supposed to have had a meeting in Houston with some big-time Saudi prince who deals with ‘intelligence matters.’ This seems an unusual degree of access for some schlub from San Diego who’s in the US illegally, as it transpires. He is variously described as a Saudi government agent and al-Qa’eda sympathiser, as if these positions are mutually exclusive. The Saudi embassy say they’ve only received queries about this matter from the media, not from the FBI. Odd that. The federal government claims it needs vast new powers to track every single credit-card transaction and every single email of every single American, yet a prima facie link between the terrorists and Prince Bandar’s wife isn’t worth going over to the embassy to have a little chat about.” (16)

   Apparently it is not only the Saudis’ oil riches that insulates them from criticism, but also their calculated distribution of largesse. The Saudis have contributed to every presidential library in recent decades. Not surprisingly, former ambassadors to Saudi Arabia from the United States end up being apologists for the corrupt, despotic Saudi regime. The Saudis have arranged that American ambassadors to their country not speak Arabic. The American embassy in Saudi Arabia gets all its information about the reactionary regime from the rulers.    Some of the Washington politicians who found the Saudi connection lucrative include Spiro Agnew, Frank Carlucci, Jimmy Carter, Clark Clifford, John Connally, James Baker, George H. W. Bush, William Simon and Caspar Weinberger. (17)

Profits before Patriotism

   The Bush dynasty has always been comfortable putting profits before patriotism. Prescott Bush, Bush Senior’s father, extended credit to Adolph Hitler and supplied him with raw materials during Word War II. The U. S. seized his assets under the Trading with the Enemy Act, but grandfather Bush found other ways to replenish the family coffers.   Bush Senior struck it rich in oil and in the defense industry. Mahfouz (yes, that Mahfouz), Prince Bandar and Prince Sultan (Bandar’s father) were also heavily invested in the defense industry through their holdings in the Carlyle Group, where Bush Senior served on the board of directors. Founded in 1987 as a private investment group with strong connections to the Republican Party establishment, Carlyle increased its original investment of $130 million to $900 million when it went public in 2001.   “In recent years, Carlyle has been successful both at raising and making money. It has raised $14 billion in the last five years or so, and its annual rate of return has been 36 percent. Its 550 investors consist of institutions and wealthy individuals from around the world including, until shortly after September 2001, members of the bin Laden family of Saudi Arabia. The family–which has publicly disavowed links with Osama bin Laden–had been an investor since 1995.” (18)   “As the eleventh largest US defence contractor, Carlyle is involved in nearly every aspect of military production, including making the big guns used on US naval destroyers, the Bradley Fighting Vehicle used by US forces during the Gulf War and parts used in most commercial and military aircraft. United Defense has joint ventures in Saudi Arabia and Turkey, two of the United States’ closest military allies in the Middle East.” (19)   It’s passing strange that even as the hijacked planes smashed into the World Trade Center, the Carlyle Group was holding its annual investor conference. Shafig Bin Laden, brother of Osama Bin Laden, attended.   Bush Junior once served as an executive with Caterair, one of hundreds of companies Carlyle has bought and sold over the past 15 years, but he removed the record of this period from his resume.   In 1986, Bush Junior, to date a flop as a businessman, joined Harken Energy Corporation as a director and was awarded 212,000 shares of stock and other plums.

In 1987, Khalid bin Mahfouz arranged for BCCI investor Abdullah Bakhsh to purchase 17% of Harken. A Harken official acknowledged that Bush’s White House connections had everything to do with the appointment. Somehow, the inexperienced, obscure firm was awarded a prime drilling contract by Bahrain, and Harken’s stock price soared.

In June 1990, Bush Junior sold his Harken stock for a juicy $848,000, enabling him to pay off the loan he had assumed on buying shares in the Texas Rangers. Never mind that the Harken stock promptly tanked when Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait, for Abdullah Bakhsh, a major Harken shareholder and an investor in BCCI, who had purchased 17% of Harken Energy in 1987, got his money’s worth. By 1990, Bakhsh’s representative on Harken’s board, Talet Othman, began attending Middle East policy discussions with President Bush Senior.

   Now that Bush Junior occupies the White House, Bush Senior receives frequent CIA briefings (his prerogative as a former president). “In July 2001, Bush personally contacted Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah to ‘clarify’ his son’s Middle East policies. Also during the summer of 2001, Bush forwarded his son a North Korea policy plan penned by ‘Asia expert’ and former ambassador to Korea, Donald Gregg. Gregg is a 31-year CIA veteran and the elder Bush’s former national security adviser whose expertise involved participation in the Vietnam-era Phoenix Program (death squads), Air America heroin smuggling, ‘pacification’ efforts in El Salvador and Guatemala, the ‘October Surprise,’ and the Iran-Contra operation (for which Gregg received a Bush pardon in 1992).” (20)   Bush Junior has received more than advice from his father. He has taken on the team of hustlers and criminals that worked with George Herbert Walker Bush when he was Vice President and President of the United States of America.   Just as his father did, he invokes executive privilege to hide all evidence of collusion with the petroleum pashas who have enriched the Bushes and intimidated the rest of us.   Sandy Tolan, an I.F. Stone Fellow at the Graduate School of Journalism at UC Berkeley, asserts that what the Bush administration really wants in Iraq is a remapping of the Mideast. “The plan is, in its way, as ambitious as the 1916 Sykes-Picot agreement between the empires of Britain and France, which carved up the region at the fall of the Ottoman Empire. The neo-imperial vision, which can be ascertained from the writings of key administration figures and their co-visionaries in influential conservative think tanks, includes not only regime change in Iraq but control of Iraqi oil, a possible end to the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries and newly compliant governments in Syria and Iran — either by force or internal rebellion.”   The Bushes are carriers of the deny-destroy-and-be-damned virus. Prescott Bush never apologized for trading with the Nazis. George Bush Senior professed to know nothing of the drug and arms dealing that funded the bloody, illegal Iran-Contra operations, although it was common knowledge that he directed them. He and his sons enriched themselves through shady real estate deals and financial manipulations that brought down entire banking and savings and loan institutions. They are all consummate inside traders, looting and leaving ruin in their wake.

   President-Select George Bush is no exception. He has no scruples about exploiting his office for personal and family gain. The Texas governor who could joke about frying prisoners in the electric chair will not, as president, agonize over the decision to send young men and women into battle–or over denying them medical care when they are injured.

There is irrefutable evidence that highly-placed Saudis aided and supported the terrorists who murdered over 3000 American citizens on September 11, 2001. Yet George Bush persists in protecting and colluding with those who sponsor terrorists. Is this not an an act of treason?

Will George Bush ever be tried and convicted for war crimes?



(1) Jonathan Raban, “Western conceit of nation-building ignores culture and history of Arabia,” Seattle Times, November 24, 2002

(2) Michael Parenti, 9-11 Terrorism Trap: September 11 and Beyond (2000) City Lights Books, San Francisco

(3) Laura Secor, “Which Islam?,” Boston Daily Globe, December 15, 2002

(4) Wayne Madsen, “Questionable Ties: Tracking bin Laden’s money flow leads back to Midland, Texas,”

(5) “The Press on the BCCI-bin Mahfouz-bin Laden Intelligence Nexus, ” Boston Herald , December 11, 2001

(6) Jonathan Beaty & S. C. Gwynne, The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride Into the Secret Heart of BCCI, (1993) Random House, New York

(7) Daniel Pipes, “Jihad: How Academics Have Camouflaged Its Real Meaning,” December 2, 2002

(8) Jean-Charles Brisard and Guillaume Dasquie, Forbidden Truth: U.S.-Taliban Secret Oil Diplomacy and the Failed Hunt for bin Laden (2002) Thunder’s Mouth Press/Nation Books, New York

(9) Al Martin, The Conspirators: Secrets of an Iran-Contra Insider (2002) National Liberty Press, LLC

(10) Center for Cooperative Research, “Hijackers who were under surveillance before 9/11”

(11) Greg Palast and David Pallister, “FBI and US Spy Agents Say Bush Spiked Bin Laden Probes Before 11 September,” The Guardian, November 7, 2001

(12) Jeff Gerth and Judith Miller, “Saudis Called Slow to Help Stem Terror Finances,” New York Times, November 28, 2002

(13) Dana Priest and Susan Schmidt, “9/11 Panel Criticizes Secrecy on Saudi Links,”Washington Post, December 12 2002

(14) Greg Miller, Greg Krikorian and H.G. Reza, “FBI Looks at Saudi’s Links to 9/11,” Los Angeles Times, November 23, 2002

(15) Michael Isikoff, Newsweek, November 22, 2002

(16) Mark Steyn, “Bush and the Saudi Princess”

(17) Daniel Golden, James Bandler and Marcus Walker, Wall Street Journal, September 27, 2001 Posted at globalresearch.ca 5 October 2001

(18) James Hatfield, “Why would Osama bin Laden want to kill Dubya, his former business partner?” Online Journal, July 13, 2001

(19) Steve Lohr, “Gerstner to Be Chairman of Carlyle Group,” New York Times, November 22, 2002

(20) Tim Shorrock uncovers the Bush connection to US defence giant the Carlyle Group, New Internationalist 347, July 2002


12/14/2015: U.S. created and now supports al Qaeda (ISIS)

3/18/2015 Iraqi Oil Bombshell

9/22/2011: Saudi Royal Ties to 9/11 Terrorists

9/19/2011: Lloyds of London Sues Saudi Arabia for 9/11

6/23/09: Saudis Funded 9/11

7/31/07: Saudis Flew on CIA Planes after 9/11

From the Progressive Populist, February 1, 2003 — Bush’s uncle, Jonathan Bush, is an executive at Riggs Bank, where Saudi Princess Faisal had the checking account through which she made her donations to charities.

Saudi Arabia has transferred $500 million to Al Qaida over the past decade, according to a report prepared for the United Nations

New Chairman of 9/11 Commission had business ties with Osama’s Brother in Law

Documentation that Bush Junior and James Bath both served together in the National Guard at Ellington Air Force Base and were suspended for failure “to accomplish annual medical inspection”

An investigation of Saudi banks

Confirmation that the U.S. has a long-standing agreement with Saudi Arabia to train pilots at U.S. bases



Also see: Dorothy Burdick, Early Psychotronic Weapons Whistle-Blower, Interviewed: “…  Ms Burdick’s book, currently not in print, describes directed-energy harassment — laser strikes, acoustic targeting and central nervous system manipulation. Much of the technology she describes has been, in the ensuing years, confirmed by authors Dr. Robert O. Becker and Captain Paul E. Tyler, both of whom have described experiments conducted by researchers in the same specific areas, among others. …”

FSU shooter Myron May feared ‘energy weapon,’ heard voices, thought police were watching him

November 21, 2014

1_2_Mind_Control-300x231Hours before Myron May strode into a Florida State Universitylibrary with murder on his mind, he left a series of chilling voicemails saying he was being attacked by an “energy weapon” and had a scheme to expose it “once and for all.”

Those messages, along with mysterious packages that May mailed to friends before he shot three people, were the culmination of what seemed to be a mental breakdown several months in the making.

Two months ago, the promising young prosecutor went to police and told them that people were watching him through cameras planted in his apartment and talking about him through the walls. Last month, May abruptly resigned from his job, and a worried ex-girlfriend told police he suffered from mental problems that were getting worse.

May, an FSU alumnus, was killed by police early Thursday morning. On Friday, May’s three victims were identified as Elijah Velez, 18; library employee Nathan Scott, 30; and Farhan Ahmed, 21. Velez was grazed by a bullet and treated at the scene and released. Scott, who was shot in the leg, was released from the hospital Friday night. Ahmed remained hospitalized in critical condition Friday evening.

Meanwhile, FSU President John Thrasher and Provost Garnett Stokes greeted students at the library doors Friday morning as classes resumed.

“Normalcy is a funny word, and I don’t know that we’ll get back to it or ever forget,” Thrasher said. “But at least I think from a standpoint of some of the things that went on yesterday, I think our campus is alive and well and working toward the goals of being a great university.”

At the time May began showing signs of mental instability, he was an associate trial attorney in the felony division of the Third Judicial District Attorney’s Office in Las Cruces, N.M. He’d previously worked in the area as a public defender.

Prosecutor stunned

District Attorney Mark D’Antonio said his colleagues saw no sign of May’s mental decline.

“I nearly fell off the chair,” D’Antonio said Friday, describing when he learned of the shooting. “It was as shocking to me as it could have been. The staff took it hard. He was very well-liked.”

May’s visit to the police station in Las Cruces happened on Sept. 7.

“He stated that he can constantly hear voices coming through the walls specifically talking about actions he was doing,” an officer wrote in an incident report. As an example, May cited a time he had climbed out of a bubble bath and began applying lotion.

bamindcontrol“He specifically stated he heard voices say, ‘Did you see that, he never puts lotion on,’ ” the report states.

Police said there was nothing they could do, and May responded that he planned to hire a private investigator and wanted his report documented.

Weeks later, on Oct. 6, May’s co-workers arrived at work to find he had cleaned out his office and left, leaving a resignation letter on his desk. The letter thanked D’Antonio, was professional and showed no sign of a breakdown.

“None of us saw any clue,” D’Antonio said. “If I had known, we could have gotten him some help. Maybe this wouldn’t have happened.”

The next night, police were called to the home of May’s ex-girlfriend. May had just left, after showing up rambling and giving her a piece of a car he said was a camera that police had placed in his SUV. May’s former girlfriend, who had dated him for about 15 months before breaking up two weeks before, was worried about his state of mind.

“Myron has recently developed a severe mental disorder,” police wrote in a report. “Myron believes that the police are after him and are bugging his phone and car, as well as placing cameras in his home and car.”

May’s ex-girlfriend said he’d been taking prescription medication and had recently been taken to Mesilla Valley Hospital for a mental health evaluation. He had not made suicidal or homicidal threats, but had been acting erratically.

“He has been staying up four to five days straight with no sleep and recently he took a trip from Las Cruces to Colorado and back again in one day with no reason,” an officer wrote.

Police went to May’s apartment to check on his well being, but he wasn’t home. They issued an alert for his vehicle for an “officer’s safety/welfare check.”

Return to Florida

Three weeks ago, May moved back to the Florida Panhandle town where he grew up, Wewahitchka, about 30 minutes east of Panama City near Apalachicola National Forest. He was staying in a guest house at the Taunton Family Children’s Home, which was owned by longtime family friends.

May was also a member of a Facebook group called “Targeted Individuals International.” Targeted Individuals are people — often seen as conspiratorial or delusional — who contend they are targets of spying, harassment or abuse, sometimes by electromagnetic radiation weaponry.

On Friday, NBC News reported that May had reached out to another “targeted individual,” Renee Pittman Mitchell, about a week ago through Facebook.

“He told me he just didn’t want to go on living like this,” Mitchell told NBC News. She said May left her three voicemails between 9:19 p.m. and 9:42 p.m. Wednesday, just hours before the shooting.

“I am currently being cooked in my chair. I devised a scheme where I was going to expose this once and for all and I really need you,” he said in one of the messages, which NBC News reported had been authenticated by a relative as May’s voice. “I do not want to die in vain.”

In an email sent at 11:19 p.m., he wrote: “I’ve been getting hit with the direct energy weapon in my chest all evening. It hurts really bad right now.”

That message was sent an just over an hour before the shootings at FSU. But May had apparently already made provisions to share what he believed was happening to him.

According to a friend and the Associated Press, May mailed packages to friends that were due to arrive Friday. May snapped photos of the envelopes and messaged them to friends via Facebook before mailing them from Tallahassee. One arrived in Texas, according to the Associated Press. Another was intercepted by postal authorities in Orlando.

Joe Paul, who attended FSU with May, alerted Tallahassee police about the package headed his way.

“What did he send everyone? Was it a manifesto? Was it a message? I don’t know,” said Paul, 35, who formerly resided in Orange County. “I think I’m just as curious as everyone else.”

A few minutes before 12:30 a.m., May shot Velez and Ahmed outside Strozier Library. He then entered the library and shot Scott, but did not pass through the lobby turnstiles. When he went back outside, he was confronted by police.

On Friday, Leon County State Attorney Willie Meggs said he’d been told May had shot at the six FSU and Tallahassee police officers who first arrived on the scene. A day earlier, Tallahassee police chief Michael DeLeo had declined to answer questions about whether May had fired or pointed his weapon at police.

Meggs said once the investigation was completed he would impanel a grand jury to examine the shooting, and added that he believed all three FSU victims had been shot by the time the police arrived.

“There were two groups that had guns, the police and the dead guy. And the police weren’t shooting civilians,” he said.

On Saturday, FSU football players are expected to wear ribbon decals during their game against Boston College, and a pre-recorded message from Thrasher will be played before the game.

May’s Facebook page shows that he recently shared a link to a video interview from the television show “Conspiracy Theory with Jesse Ventura” that featured an interview with Dr. Robert Duncan, “who put together the technology that allows the government to transmit thoughts and voices into the heads of Americans.”


Amy Hoffman, Psy.D., a licensed psychologist in Winter Park, said the type of delusions described in police reports are likely a sign of serious mental illness.

“Paranoid delusions of this nature can be associated with major mental health disorders, such as schizophrenia, schizoaffective disorder or in some cases bipolar disorder,” Hoffman said.

It’s unclear whether May, 31, had exhibited any sign of a mental health problem before the past few months.

“Typically, the age of onset for a major mental illness in males is the early 20s,” Hoffman said.

Aaron Deslatte and Brendan Sonnone of the Sentinel staff, and the News Service of Florida, contributed to this report.


“… ‘I think a lot about why they kill us innocent people,’ says Zubair Ur Rehman, a young man who survived a drone strike that killed his grandmother while she was chopping vegetables outdoors. …”

 April 7, 2016

In 2001, the White House concluded that it was legal to use armed drones to kill senior al-Qaeda leaders. Within weeks of the 9/11 attacks, US President George W Bush signed off on an order which authorised the CIA to capture and kill al-Qaeda operatives. …
For some, drones are the greatest weapon ever to be developed by the CIA; for others, they present a constant, deadly and terrifying threat. …
What happens when you spend hours in a pitch-black room, day after day, shooting at “targets” halfway across the world on a pixelated screen in the hinterland of Nevada?
Why are former pilots speaking out against the drone war and is the US government attempting to silence them? And how do drone operators process killing with a joystick?
Brandon Bryant is a former drone operator and now whistleblower who has spoken out about his role in the CIA’s covert war.
“We’re the ultimate voyeurs, the ultimate ‘peeping Toms’. No one’s going to catch us. And we’re getting orders to take these people’s lives,” Byrant says. “It was just point, and click.”
Few drone operators have spoken out. “It’s so weird … no one else has come out and talked about what they’ve done, or the things that are going on,” Bryant says. “It just blows my mind.”
Since Bryant began talking publicly about being a drone pilot, former friends and colleagues have harassed him. “What the drone community is doing right now is that they’re bashing me,” Bryant says. “They’re ripping me apart to make anyone else fear talking about anything that they’d ever done.”
Michael Haas, another former drone operator, also shares his experiences.
“In the control room they had a picture from September 11… Just to try to make you pissed off about it all over again right before you go do your job,” Haas says. “These guys have to die. These guys deserve to die and you got to make it happen.”
Thousands of kilometers away in the isolated territory of Waziristan in northwestern Pakistan, civilians live under the constant presence of drones, and the threat of yet another attack and the deaths of more innocent family members and friends.
“I think a lot about why they kill us innocent people,” says Zubair Ur Rehman, a young man who survived a drone strike that killed his grandmother while she was chopping vegetables outdoors. “It was a horrible day. It felt like the end of the world.
With further advancements in drone technology, the US government is not likely to cease its drone activity any time soon, instead placing special focus on early recruitment by targeting young gamers.
Video gamers do have a skillset that is very important and enhances the skillset of drone operators. So when I talk to people about this, I say, we don’t need Top Gun pilots – we need Revenge of the Nerds, says Missy Cummings, associate professor of aeronautics at MIT and a former US Navy pilot.
“There’s always been a connection between the world of war and the world of entertainment. And I call this phenomenon ‘militainment’, where the military world is actually now pulling tools from the world of entertainment to do its job better,” says Peter Singer, author of Wired for War. …

Roger Stone Heavily Praised Author Who Claims Holocaust, Sandy Hook, And 9/11 Were Faked

Stone On James Fetzer: “Nobody In The Researcher Community That I Respect More”

Donald Trump ally Roger Stone last month appeared on James Fetzer’s internet radio show and said there’s “nobody in the researcher community that I respect more.” Fetzer is a fringe conspiracy theorist who has claimed that the Holocaust, Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting, and 9/11 attacks were faked. During the interview, Stone said he plans to ask for a 9/11 “reading list” from Fetzer to “get myself educated” — as soon as he’s done with the manuscript of his book alleging the Clintons murdered John F. Kennedy Jr.

Roger Stone Is A Longtime Trump Friend And Adviser Who Now Heads A Pro-Trump Super PAC. Stone worked as a top political aide to Donald Trump’s presidential campaign before exiting in August. Stone is a notorious “dirty trickster” who formed the anti-Hillary Clinton group C.U.N.T. in 2008 and has spent much of the 2016 cycle pushing smears about the Clintons. He has a history of lobbing racist and sexist attacks against media figures, and was recently banned by CNN and MSNBC. He currently heads the pro-Trump super PAC Committee to Restore America’s Greatness and is a frequent Trump supporter in the media. Stone has been under heavy criticism recently because of his stated plan to “disclose the hotels and the room numbers of those delegates who are directly involved in” allegedly stealing the nomination from Trump at the Republican convention. [Media Matters10/14/152/22/164/5/164/6/16]

James Fetzer Is A Conspiracy Theorist Who Regularly Pens Fringe Books And Articles. [Veterans Today, accessed 4/11/16]

[Media Broadcasting Center, The Real Deal, 3/11/16]

Stone To Fetzer: “There’s Really Nobody In The Researcher Community That I Respect More Than You.” While Stone was appearing as a guest on Fetzer’s internet program The Real Deal, Fetzer described an episode of his program he had done about “who was responsible for 9/11 and why” and offered to give Stone some “leads” into the “death of JFK Jr., which unquestionably was an assassination.” Stone responded, “That’s great to know, Jim. As you know, there’s really nobody in the researcher community that I respect more than you.”

Stone Dedicated His Book The Clintons’ War On Women To Victor Thorn, Who Wrote The Holocaust Hoax Exposed And Blames A “Jewish Plot” For The 9/11 Attacks. [Media Matters11/13/15]

Stone Is A Regular Guest On The Radio Program Of Alex Jones, Who Has Pushed Conspiracy Theories About 9/11, Sandy Hook, And Other Tragedies. [Media Matters2/10/16]

Fetzer Believes “The Holocaust Story Appears To Be False And Cannot Be Sustained”

Fetzer: “The Holocaust Story Appears To Be False And Cannot Be Sustained.” Fetzer wrote an article for the anti-Semitic Veterans Today purportedly proving that the “Holocaust story” was “falsified”:

Counting deaths attributed to the Holocaust—apart from the records of the International Committee of the Red Cross—turns out to be an exercise in “fuzzy math”, because none of them add up. As Faurisson observed during an interview on 13 December 2006, the Yad Vashem database was built up by “simple unverified declarations emanating from unverified sources and processed in such a way that one and the same person can be recorded as having died several times, even, it seems, as many as ten times”.[1] And even the most complete archives are not collated to make total numbers accessible but only individual cases—which appears an obvious measure to preserve the untestability of (h3), the hypothesis that 6,000,000 Jews had perished.

Holocaust story falsified

So, insofar as we depend upon empirical evidence and laws of science, the Holocaust story appears to be false and cannot be sustained. [Veterans Today5/1/15; Southern Poverty Law Center, 1/6/11]

Fetzer Wrote That His “Research On The Holocaust Narrative Suggests That It Is Not Only Untrue But Provably False And Not Remotely Scientifically Sustainable.” The Star Tribune wrote of Fetzer:

But on his website, Fetzer says, “my research on the Holocaust narrative suggests that it is not only untrue but provably false and not remotely scientifically sustainable.”

Fetzer denies he is an anti-Semite. He suggested I describe his skepticism of the Holocaust like this (his words): “Fetzer argues that, if the inmates had been gassed using Zyklon B, then their bodies would have turned pink and the walls of the gas chambers would have turned blue. But we have no reports of pink bodies and the only walls that are blue are those used for delousing, which means the official narrative cannot possibly be correct.” [Star Tribune1/21/15]

Fetzer Promotes “Anti-Semitic 9/11 Conspiracy Theories”

Fetzer Founded “Scholars For 9/11 Truth.” Fetzer wrote an article on the group’s page explaining why “the government’s account” about the September 11, 2011, attacks, “cannot possibly be correct.” The reasons include the “impact of planes cannot have caused enough damage to bring the buildings down,” and “WTC-7 came down in a classic controlled demolition.” [Scholars for 9/11 Truth, 2007]

ADL: Fetzer Has Promoted “Anti-Semitic 9/11 Con­spir­acy Theories.” The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) has criticized Fetzer for promoting anti-Semitic conspiracy theories about the 9/11 attacks:

In “Scholar Backs Far­rakhan on 9/11 (March 23), the “scholar” the NOI pro­motes is James Fet­zer, one of the co-founders of Schol­ars for 9/11 Truth, an orga­ni­za­tion that is com­posed of aca­d­e­mics and oth­ers who believe that the U.S. gov­ern­ment played a role in the 9/11 attacks. Fet­zer is also a colum­nist for the anti-Semitic web­site Vet­er­ans Today and has writ­ten articles in which he pro­motes anti-Semitic 9/11 con­spir­acy theories.

Fet­zer made the fol­low­ing state­ments in his inter­view with the NOI:

·“The plan appears to have orig­i­nated in the fer­tile mind of Ben­jamin Netanyahu, who wanted to devise a plan to draw the United States into a war with the Arab nations that served as a counter-balance to Israel’s dom­i­na­tion of the Mid­dle East.”

·“9/11 was brought to us com­pli­ments of the CIA, the Neo-Cons in the Depart­ment of Defense and the Mossad.”

·“We present proof of Israeli and Zion­ist involve­ment from the secu­rity at the air­ports to the World Trade Center…and many oth­ers involved in set­ting the 9/11 stage and car­ry­ing it out.” [Anti-Defamation League, 3/31/16]

Fetzer To Stone: “The Whole Thing Was Fake About The Planes. … None Of Those Planes Crashed On 9/11.”

FETZER: I founded Scholars for 9/11 Truth. I’m about to publish a new book on it. 9/11 was brought to us by the CIA, the neocons in the Department of Defense, most of whom had come from the Project for A New American Century and were dual U.S.-Israeli citizens and the Mossad. Now it’s true that 15 of the 19 purported hijackers were Saudi Arabian. None were from Iraq. But they were all fake. The whole thing was fake about the planes, Roger. None of those planes crashed on 9/11. It’s a complicated case.


The key thing is a half a dozen of these suicide hijackers turned up alive and well the following day and were interviewed by the British media. [Media Broadcasting Center, The Real Deal3/11/16]

Stone Told Fetzer He Was Writing A Book Accusing The Clintons Of Murdering JFK Jr. After Fetzer pushed his conspiracy theory about the 9/11 planes being “fake,” Stone said he’s been occupied writing books about Sen. Cory Booker (D-NJ) and the alleged murder of John F. Kennedy Jr. by the Clintons. Stone stated he has a book coming out next year in “which I make the case that John F. Kennedy Jr. was murdered. And he was murdered by the Clintons because he was in the way. Now I have extraordinary new evidence that nobody else has seen.“ [Media Broadcasting Center, The Real Deal3/11/16]

Stone Said He Would Get “A Reading List On 9/11” From Fetzer After Stone Finishes Writing His JFK Jr. Book. After stating that he was busy writing a book about JFK Jr., Stone promised Fetzer: “As soon as I finish that manuscript, I’m going to go to you and get a reading list on 9/11, and I’m going to get myself educated.” [Media Broadcasting Center, The Real Deal3/11/16]

Fetzer Believes The Sandy Hook Shooting Was Faked

Fetzer Edited The Book Nobody Died At Sandy HookIn the book Nobody Died At Sandy Hook, Fetzer concludes that the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, was faked by “officials at every level” to push gun control on the country (emphasis in original):

Because of this, much of the nation seems to believe that gun violence, particularly school shootings, is on the rise even with evidence that points to the contrary.

The reasons behind this aggressive behavior by the administration, even when gun violence has been falling in the United States, involves deep questions about the role of DHS in our society and why America has been devolving into a totalitarian state. I was born a year-and-a-day before Pearl Harbor, as my father used to put it; and I would never have imagined in my wildest dreams that the United States of American could descent into a bottomless pit of lies, deceit and deception

Faking a school shooting to instill fear into a population for political purposes is an act of terrorism, where it has become clear that this instance was brought to us by officials at every level of Connecticut government from the teachers and reporters to the State Police and the Newtown School board to the Governor and the Attorney General and the President himself. And this is the ugly legacy of Barack Hussein Obama. [Rense.com, accessed 4/11/16]

Cover Of Fetzer’s Sandy Hook Book: “It Wasn’t A School Massacre. It Was A FEMA Drill.” 

[JamesFetzer.blogspot.com, 10/23/15]

Fetzer: “There Was No Mass Evacuation” At Sandy Hook “Because No Students Were There.” Fetzer wrote in a 2015 article about the mass shooting at Newtown:

You all know (and apparently buy into) the official account that Adam Lanza shot and killed 20 kids and 6 adults, which has been widely broadcast by the mass media. But working together with three other professors and a host of other independent students, we have established (1) that the school was closed by 2008, (2) that there was no mass evacuation (because no students were there); (3) that the “iconic” Shannon Hicks’ photograph was staged in advance; and (4) that the “official account” does not create a causal nexus that ties the alleged shooter to his purported victims and the weapons he is said to have used. [Veterans Today5/1/15]

Fetzer: Sandy Hook “Was A Drill And No Children Died.” Fetzer wrote in a 2015 article headlined, “Sandy Hook Hoax: How we know it didn’t happen”:

The absence of evidence that should be present and the presence of evidence that should be absent are keys to unraveling Sandy Hook. And the suppression of the new documentary, “We need to talk about Sandy Hook”, appears to be backfiring. Proof of fraud and fakery continues to mount, substantiating it was a drill and no children died. [Veterans Today5/1/15]

Blacks in Dallas say ‘No’ to White militia’s armed protest outside Nation of Islam mosque

 APR 6, 2016 

DALLAS—The chant of “Whose streets? Our streets!” reverberated throughout crowds of people in South Dallas’ Black community in response to the decision by BAIR, the Bureau of American Islamic Relations, a White group, to stage an armed protest outside of the Nation of Islam’s Muhammad Mosque No. 48.

But the gun-toting and often masked BAIR members came and found themselves massively outnumbered April 2 as crowds of angry Black people gathered ready to defend the mosque and their community from what counter-protestors called an insurgent occupation.

This was not the first time BAIR spoke of coming to the Dallas mosque with weapons in hand. Just two weeks earlier the group was a no show as hundreds from the community and neighborhoods around Martin Luther King Jr. Blvd. awaited them, eager to declare hands off the mosque. Many different groups in the community showed up—from the unarmed members of the Fruit of Islam of the Nation of Islam to the heavily armed members of the Huey P. Newton Gun Club, the New Black Panther Party, and the Black Women’s Defense League and everyday Black residents outraged that Whites would choose to exercise their rights to openly carry weapons and protests in the ‘hood.

BAIR, an anti-Muslim group, has previously held armed protests at mosques and Islamic events in the Dallas-Fort Worth suburbs of Irving, and Richardson, Texas. Congregations in these communities were predominately Arab and immigrant Muslims.


BAIR members came armed to protest a Nation of Islam mosque in Dallas. Photo: Facebook

Coming to the N.O.I. mosque meant coming into the heart of the Black community.

“These people came to our community under false pretenses. Could we do the same thing? Could we make some allegations about a group in Highland Park and arm a militia and say we are going to go over there with arms and protest? That would have been stopped at city hall. The police would have stopped that,” said community activist Purlie Gates.

According to FOX 4 News Dallas, BAIR said the protest was in response to a Nation of Islam call for violence and bloodshed of uniformed police officers on American soil. BAIR’s claim was unfounded. Their allegations could not be verified, and BAIR spokespersons could not be reached for comment.

dallas_protest_04-12-2016e.jpgThe New Black Panther Party stand guard in front of Muhammad’s Mosque No. 48 against BAIR armed militia group.

“We are a Nation of Peace,” said Student Minister Tyrone H. Muhammad of Muhammad Mosque No. 48. “We have some people in this country that do not want us to worship and teach our people in peace,” he continued.

From the onset the South Dallas neighborhood took on the appearance of a military occupation, with Dallas Police Department officers in riot gear, snipers on roofs across from the mosque, and tactical vehicles appareled with battle rams parked nearby. The Dallas Police Department stated that their presence was to ensure there was no harm or bloodshed.

The general displeasure and attitude among Blacks was consistent: There was an air of fearlessness and anger. Anger that a group of White men baring assault rifles, machine guns, and a variety of weapons would come to a Black neighborhood to demand and protest people who have done nothing wrong, and fearlessness to defend their community.


Local residents, the NBPP, the Heuy P. Newton Gun Club and the Black Women’s Defense League attend the protest against the Nation of Islam Muhammad’s Mosque No. 48 of the BAIR armed militia group that came to protest the N.O.I. on false accusations.

“I’m mad as hell and I don’t need no gun; we gone fight hard out here,” said a South Dallas woman who was energized and extremely vocal.

A young man who is a resident of South Dallas said, “We will not allow that no longer. This is a message to all of them; we take this seriously. This is 2016, we are not our grandparents. We will whoop your a–.”

There was vigilance as those gathered awaited BAIR who promised to start their protest outside of the mosque Saturday at 1 p.m. On Saturdays the Nation of Islam holds its Muslim Girls Training and General Civilization Class (M.G.T. and G.C.C.) for women only in mosques and study groups in America and outside the country. To many the armed BAIR action was a cowardly move to protest outside a mosque full of women and girls, as opposed to a plan to come on a Sunday during a general meeting—as BAIR had weeks earlier.

dallas_protest_04-12-2016f.jpgLocal residents show support with raised fists as they drive by Muhammad’s Mosque No. 48

BAIR arrived after 1 p.m. on the corner of Edgewood and Martin Luther King Jr. Blvd., just blocks from the mosque. According to the group’s Facebook page, BAIR members and supporters planned to meet there and march with arms in hand to the mosque. Their plans never came into fruition as a crowd of approximately 75 people, which was in addition to hundreds standing blocks away at the mosque, surrounded BAIR, sapping any determination to move toward the mosque. BAIR’s attendance was exceptionally lean in comparison to the group’s previous protests. Only 11 members were present and armed. Various news outlets, including FOX 4, and CBS 11 reported that BAIR was outnumbered 10 to 1 by counter protestors from the community of South Dallas.

Eva’s Bar-B-Q, is a historic mainstay and Black business in South Dallas. It sits near the corner of Edgewood and MLK, and was virtually ground zero for the stand-off. Ms. Eva, the owner, said it was a victorious day for South Dallas, but a sad day for America. “I pity America for having this kind of cancer and hate that we saw in them today. The hate that made them think they would come and intimidate our community. I thank you all for making sure that did not happen,” she said.The scene was tense as a flurry of expletives and chants of “Black Power!” and “Brown Power!” rang through the area, aimed at BAIR members protected by a dozen or so officers and standing behind two barricades. It took just a little over three minutes for BAIR to flee the scene, taking down their flags and putting weapons in the late model pickup trucks that transported them to South Dallas.


The Fruit of Islam go door to door in the community, working to make the community a safer place.

Ike, a longtime South Dallas resident, added, “We did what we was supposed to do today. It shows that Black people can come together to do something positive, I thank the Islam brothers, the Panther brothers, the bangers in the ‘hood, everybody.

“We are appalled and alarmed that BAIR would come into South Dallas armed, so we are here to monitor and patrol, and show solidarity with our brothers and sisters from the Nation of Islam today,” declared Yafeuh Balogun of the Huey P. Newton Gun Club, which is a coalition of armed Black organizations that believe in the right to defend themselves with arms. “They threatening the mosque, people who have no history of violence, but are just trying to take care of the community? We had to show up to defend them,” continued Mr. Balogun.

As BAIR departed, a spirit of unity and movement stayed with chants of “Black Power!” and the Muslim greeting words of peace, “As-Salaam Alaikum” (Peace be upon you) shared by many.

Nation of Islam Asst. Student Supreme Captain Anthony Muhammad was present from Chicago to help defend the mosque and the people from any attack. He quickly galvanized the F.O.I. to go out into the streets to further organize people to help in moving the community forward and making the neighborhood into a safe place.


The Covert Roots of the Panama Papers

Panama has long been a haven for money launderers—including the CIA.

It should come as no surprise that the CIA’s finances are a secret. One of the rare glimpses into the agency’s funding came when Edward Snowden leaked a copy of the intelligence “black budget” to The Washington Post in 2013. But if history is any indication, the CIA may well have resources that don’t appear on any congressional document, highly classified or otherwise. Covert operations, by their very nature, often require access to off-the-books funding. The CIA’s first operation was paid for with funds seized from the Nazis, and in the years since, the agency has been notoriously creative about how it obtains its money.

Adnan Khashoggi would know. A “principal foreign agent” of the United States, as one Senate report referred to him, the billionaire playboy made a fortune (more than $100 million between 1970 and 1975 alone) from commissions negotiating arms deals with his native Saudi Arabia. He used these windfalls, in turn, to cultivate political clout—including, allegedly, with PresidentRichard Nixon. In the aftermath of Watergate, when Congress began reining in the CIA, Khashoggi helped establish the supranational intelligence partnership known as the Safari Club. Soon after, he aided the CIA in circumventing another congressional impediment. With money borrowed from the Saudi and U.S. intelligence-linked Bank of Credit and Commerce International, he financed the illegal arms sales that set off the Iran-Contra scandal.

One way Khashoggi structured his shadowy holdings during his heyday was through the specialized services of Mossack Fonseca, the law firm that is in the news for having helped global luminaries like Vladimir Putin hide their money. Thanks to a recent report from the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, we now know Khashoggi to be among a number of former spies and CIA associates implicated by the 2.6 terabytes of offshore financial documents provided to the German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung last summer.

That his name should appear in an international dark money scandal suggests something about the nature of tax havens that much of the media’s coverage has thus far avoided grappling with. The Panama Papers have largely been presented as an unprecedented insight into how global elites hide their fortunes from tax collectors and other regulators. But they also underscore how tax havens are used by covert agencies and other shadowy players to launder dirty money, a practice that has a long history in which Panama, in particular, has played a notable part.

The Panama Papers date back to 1977. By then, the Carter administration, worried that it could jeopardize negotiations over the Panama Canal, had already willed itself into forgetting what the U.S. government had long known about Panama’s intimate role in the burgeoning South American cocaine trade. Serious allegations against Manuel Noriega, the intelligence chief who would go on to become the country’s ruler, had been brought to the attention of the now-defunct Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs as early as 1971. But the United States’s interests in Panama were at least as strong as those of the emerging coke lords who were using Panama as a stopover for drug shipments headed north. In some cases, their interests were one and the same.

At the time, the Panama Canal Zone played host to the School of the Americas, the U.S. military training academy infamous for the remarkable array of atrocities committed by its highest-achieving graduates. Not far from the SOA facility was the classified U.S. communications network used to coordinate Operation Condor, the cross-border rendition, torture, execution, and assassination program implemented by the South American dictatorships of the era. With its abundance of U.S. surveillance hardware and constant influx of easily disguised foreigners, Panama became a sort of regional outpost for U.S. Cold War intelligence.

A proud SOA alumnus himself, Noriega was recruited by the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency in 1959 and received his first check from the CIA in 1967. The military coup that broke out that year catapulted him to the top of Panama’s spy agency, a position for which the ruthless, ideologically flexible Noriega proved to be uniquely well-suited.

Noriega had a talent for the double life. He would fly to Washington to meet with CIA Director William Casey one day and to Havana to meet with Fidel Castro the next, positioning himself as a key interlocutor between the sworn enemies and playing one side off the other. He was just as comfortable railing against Yankee imperialism as he was serving up rivals and narco-associates in exchange for DEA commendations. Noriega allegedly charged $200,000 a planeload to protect the Medellin Cartel’s shipment routes. The $200,000 a year he collected from the Reagan administration must have seemed a pittance by comparison.

CIA payments to Noriega were channeled through accounts he maintained at the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, the agency’s preferred conduit for its secret dealings with Saudi and Pakistani intelligence and with theheroin-trafficking mujahedeen insurgency in Afghanistan. During the same period, Adnan Khashoggi, who was listed on a 1991 Defense Intelligence Report as having sold machine guns to the Medellin Cartel, was borrowing from the bank to finance weapons sales to Iran—the proceeds for which, like some of Noriega’s earnings, were then funneled to the Nicaraguan Contras. Subsequent federal prosecutions determined BCCI’s Panamanian branch, in particular, to be actively engaged in money laundering for the Colombian drug trade. A Senate subcommittee report called the bank a “fundamentally corrupt criminal enterprise.”

But BCCI was hardly the only Panamanian financial house awash in drug profits and covert intrigue. As a 1985 House Foreign Affairs report explained, it was hard to find a Panamanian bank that wasn’t engaged, to one degree or another, in some form of untoward activity. “With more than one hundred banks, the U.S. dollar as the national currency, and strict bank secrecy laws, Panama is an ideal haven for laundering narcotics money. Unlimited amounts of money may be brought into and out of the country with no reporting requirements, and money laundering is not a crime.” Corruption in government and the military, the committee found, was “endemic and institutionalized.”

Panama, to borrow the words of the Senate’s Iran-Contra report, had become the “hemisphere’s first ‘narco-kleptocracy,’” a major financial clearing house not just for the Colombian cartels, but for illegal groups of all stripes in the region, as well as “legitimate” businesspeople drawn to the exciting new services being offered thanks to the logistical demands and largesse of the drug trade. Americans were sinking millions into this innovative tax haven, and the surplus of available dirty currency actually insulated Panama from the debt crises that were sweeping the region at the time—converting it into a secure, relatively stable place for the Third World rich to hide their money.

“Particularly popular with Latin Americans,” writes Dr. Rachel Ehrenfeld in Evil Money, “was a double-shell arrangement, in which the Bahamian cover was overlaid with Panamanian corporate shells. Panamanian lawyers were equally adept at creating fictitious companies. The money would be wired from one corporate account to another without revealing the identity of the real owner.”

Dummy companies of this sort, set up by the White House and registered in Panama, were used to float the Nicaraguan Contras. Noriega’s personal Swiss-based lawyer even helped Marine Colonel Oliver North construct a front for an airfield in Costa Rica. A veritable fleet of aircraft, including planes provided by Noriega and some paid for through a BCCI account, made the circuitous journey from secret runway to secret runway, dropping off weapons in Honduras and Costa Rica, cocaine in the southern United States, and large stacks of small-denomination bills in Panamanian bank vaults.

As we continue to dig through the many layers of corruption, lawbreaking, and bad faith that have accumulated in the intervening years, it’s important to recognize that the quintessentially private practices that now form the basis for the Panama Papers revelations emerged within a context of large-scale state criminality.

The 1989 U.S. invasion that led to Noriega’s arrest only exacerbated the underlying problems of Panamanian governance. As Jonathan Marshall, co-author of the indispensable Cocaine Politics, explained, between “economic sanctions, capital flight, war damage, and a more than a billion dollars’ worth of damage from post-conflict looting,” any new president would have faced significant challenges. It happened that the one the United States installed, Guillermo Endara, had dubious ties to a bank the DEA and FBI both suspected of money laundering. Endara’s appointees for attorney general, treasury minister, and chief Supreme Court justice had each served as director of a bank shut down for its alliance with Colombia’s Cali Cartel. By the U.S. government’s own estimation, trafficking and laundering got worse in the invasion’s aftermath, a legacy that has continued on to the present day. Facing corruption charges, the country’s most recent president has sought refuge in Miami.

After the invasion, a joke started circulating around Panama that seems fairly prescient, in light of the Panama Papers. “They took Ali Baba,” it went, “and left us with the 40 thieves.”

Also see: “Mossack Fonseca, at the Heart of ‘Panama Papers’ Leak, Owned by Nazi’s Son

Documents show ex-CIA gun-runners, contractors use offshore firms for personal gain

By Will Fitzgibbon

The Irish Times, April 6, 2016

One day during his presidential re-election campaign in September 1996, Bill Clinton walked into a room in Westin Crown Center hotel in Kansas City. At stake was a quarter-million dollars in campaign fundraising. Clinton turned to his generous host, Farhad Azima, and led the guests in song.

“Happy birthday to you, happy birthday to you….”

Azima, an Iranian-born American charter airline executive, had long donated to Democratic and Republican administrations. He visited the Clinton White House 10 times between October 1995 and December 1996, including private afternoon coffees with the president. Years later, as Hillary Clinton stood for election to the Senate in December 1999, Azima hosted her and 40 guests for a private dinner that raised $2,500 a head.

Azima’s Democratic fundraising activities provided an interesting twist in the career of a man who has found himself in a media storm of one of America’s major political scandals, the Iran-Contra affair, during the Republican Reagan Administration.

In the mid-1980s, senior Reagan administration officials secretly arranged to sell weapons to Iran to help free seven American hostages then use the sale proceeds to fund right-wing Nicaraguan rebels known as the Contras. On a mission to Tehran in 1985, one of Azima’s Boeing 707 cargo planes delivered 23 tons of military equipment, the New York Times reported. Azima has always claimed to know nothing about the flight or even if it happened.

“I’ve had nothing to do with Iran-Contra,” Azima told ICIJ. “I was investigated by every known agency in the US and they decided there was absolutely nothing there,” said Azima. “It was a wild goose chase. The law enforcement and regulators fell for it.”

Now, records obtained by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, the German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung and other media partners including The Irish Times reveal new details about one of America’s most colourful political donors. The records also disclose offshore deals made by another Iran-Contra figure, the Saudi billionaire Adnan Khashoggi.

The more than 11 million documents – which stretch from 1977 to December 2015 – show the inner workings of Mossack Fonseca, a Panamanian law firm that specializes in building labyrinthine corporate structures that sometimes blur the line between legitimate business and the cloak-and-dagger world of international espionage.

Spies’ Offshore Dealings

The documents also pull back the curtain on hundreds of details about how former CIA gun-runners and contractors use offshore companies for personal and private gain. Further, they illuminate the workings of a host of other characters who used offshore companies during or after their work as spy chiefs, secret agents or operatives for the CIA and other intelligence agencies.

“You can’t exactly walk around saying that you’re a spy,” says Loch K Johnson, a professor at the University of Georgia, in explaining the cover that offshore firms offer. Johnson, a former aide to a US Senate committee’s intelligence inquiries, has spent decades studying CIA “front” companies.

The documents reveal that Mossack Fonseca’s clients included Saudi Arabia’s first intelligence chief who was named by a US Senate committee as the CIA’s “principal liaison for the entire the Middle East from the mid-1960s through 1979”, Sheikh Kamal Adham, who controlled offshore companies later involved in a US banking scandal; Colombia’s former chief of air intelligence, retired maj gen Ricardo Rubianogroot, who was a shareholder of an aviation and logistics company; and Brig Gen Emmanuel Ndahiro, doctor-turned-spy-chief to Rwanda’s president Paul Kagame.

Adham died in 1999. Ndahiro did not respond to requests for comment. Rubianogroot confirmed to ICIJ partner and Colombian investigative journalism organisation, Consejo de Redacción, that he was a small shareholder in West Tech Panama, which was created to buy an American avionics company. The company is in liquidation.

“We conduct thorough due diligence on all new and prospective clients that often exceeds in stringency the existing rules and standards to which we and others are bound,” said Mossack Fonseca in a statement. “Many of our clients come through established and reputable law firms and financial institutions across the world, including the major correspondent banks . . . If a new client/entity is not willing and/or able to provide to us the appropriate documentation indicating who they are, and (when applicable) from where their funds are derived, we will not work with that client/entity.”

Even wannabe spooks can be found.

“I’ll suggest a name like ‘World Insurance Services Limited’ or maybe ‘Universal Exports’ after the company used in the early James Bond stories but I don’t know if we’d get away with that!” wrote one financier to Mossack Fonseca in 2010 on behalf of a client creating a front company in the British Virgin Islands (BVI). Universal Exports was a fictional company used by the British Secret Service in Ian Fleming’s James Bond novels.

The files further show that Mossack Fonseca also incorporated companies named Goldfinger, SkyFall, GoldenEye, Moonraker, Spectre and Blofeld after James Bond movie titles and villains and was asked to do the same for Octopussy. There is correspondence from a man named Austin Powers, apparently his real name and not the movie character, and Jack Bauer, whom a Mossack Fonseca employee entered into the firm’s database as a client and not the television character after the employee “met him at a pub.”

But Mossack Fonseca’s connection to espionage is more often fact, not fiction.

Men in their flying machines

The secret documents show that Farhad Azima incorporated his first offshore company with Mossack Fonseca in the BVI in 2000. The company was calledALG (Asia & Pacific) Limited, a branch of his airline Aviation Leasing Group, a US-based private company with a fleet of more than 60 aircraft.

It was not until 2013 when the firm ran a routine background search on the shareholders of a new company that Mossack Fonseca discovered media articles on Azima’s alleged ties to the CIA. Among the allegations found in online articles shared by Mossack Fonseca employees were that he “supplied air and logistical support” to a company owned by former CIA agents who shipped arms to Libya. Another article quoted an FBI official who said he had been warned by the CIA that Azima was “off limits”.

The firm asked Azima’s representatives to confirm his identity. But it appears that Mossack Fonseca never received a reply. The files indicate that he remained a client and that internal surprises continued.

In 2014, one year after discovering online reports of his connections to the CIA, Hosshang Hosseinpour was cited by the US Treasury Department as helping companies move tens of millions of dollars for companies in Iran, which at the time was subject to economic sanctions.

The files show that Azima and Hosseinpour appeared on corporate documents of a company that planned to buy a hotel in the nation of Georgia in 2011. That was the same year treasury officials asserted that Hosseinpour, who co-founded the private airline FlyGeorgia, and two others first began to send millions of dollars into Iran, which led to sanctions being taken against him three years later.

The documents show that Hosseinpour briefly held shares in the company from November 2011. However, in February 2012 company administrators told Mossack Fonseca that he was not part of the company and his shares had been issued in an “administrative error”. The company, Eurasia Hotel Holdings Limited, changed its name to Eurasia Aviation Holdings and bought a Hawker Beechcraft 400XP corporate jet in 2012 for $1.625 million, files show.

Azima told ICIJ that the company was only used to buy an aircraft and that Hosseinpour had never been involved in the company.

The plane was not going to be used in the US, Azima said, so couldn’t be registered in the US and the choice of the BVI was not for tax purposes. “I’ve filed every tax known to mankind,” Azima told ICIJ.

Hosseinpour could not be reached for comment. In 2013, before the sanctions came into force, he told the Wall Street Journal that he had no connections to Iran and “nothing to do with evading sanctions.”

Another colourful connection to the CIA in the Mossack Fonseca files is Loftur Johannesson, now a wealthy silver-haired 85-year-old from Rekyavik, also known as The Icelander. Johannesson is widely reported in books and newspaper articles to have worked with the CIA in the 1970s and 1980s, supplying guns to anti-communist guerrillas in Afghanistan. With his CIA paychecks, The Icelander reportedly bought a home in Barbados and a vineyard in France.

Johannesson emerges in Mossack Fonseca’s files in September 2002, long after his retirement from secret service. He was connected to at least four offshore companies in the BVI and Panama linked to homes in high-priced locales, including one located behind London’s Westminster Cathedral and another in a beachfront Barbados complex where a similar home is now selling for $35 million. As recently as January 2015, Johannesson paid thousands of dollars to Mossack Fonseca for its services.

Mr Johannesson has been an international businessman, mainly in aviation related activities, and he completely rejects your suggestions that he may have worked for any secret intelligence agencies,” a spokesman told ICIJ.

Agent Rocco and 008: license to incorporate

Another connection to the Iran-Contra scandal is Adnan Khashoggi. The Saudi billionaire, once thought to be the world’s most extravagant spender, negotiated billions of dollars in weapons sales to Saudi Arabia in the 1970s and played “a central role for the US government” with CIA operatives in selling guns to Iran, according to a 1992 US Senate report co-written by then-Senator John Kerry, the Massachusetts Democrat who is now the US secretary of state.

Khashoggi appears in the Mossack Fonseca files as early as 1978, when he became president of the Panamanian company ISIS Overseas S.A. Most of his business with Mossack Fonseca appears to have taken place between the 1980s and the 2000s through at least four other companies.

Mossack Fonseca’s files do not reveal the purpose of all Khashoggi’s companies. However, two of them, Tropicterrain SA, Panama, and Beachview Inc, were involved in mortgages for homes in Spain and the Grand Canaries islands.

There is no indication that Mossack Fonseca investigated Khashoggi’s past even though the firm processed payments from the Adnan Khashoggi Group in the same year that he made global news when the US charged him with helping Ferdinand Marcos, president of the Philippines, loot millions. Khashoggi was later cleared. Mossack Fonseca’s files show the firm ceased business with Khashoggi around 2003.

The Mossack Fonseca files indicated the company did not discriminate between cold war foes.

Another customer was Sokratis Kokkalis, now a 76-year-old Greek billionaire once accused of spying for the East German Stasi under the alias “Agent Rocco.” A German parliamentary investigation found that in the early 1960s Kokkalis regularly informed on acquaintances and contacts during his time living in Germany and Russia. Until 2010, Kokkalis owned the Greek soccer club Olympiakos, and he now owns Greece’s largest telecommunications company.

Mossack Fonseca discovered Kokkalis’s connections to espionage in February 2015 as part of routine background checks of one of his companies, Upton International Group. Kokkalis “was accused by East German officials of espionage, fraud, and money laundering in the early sixties, but the case was acquitted”, an employee wrote colleagues after an Internet search. Mossack Fonseca’s files reveal that Kokkalis’ agent did not respond to the firm’s requests for details about Kokkalis and his company, including its purpose.

Khashoggi could not be reached for comment. Kokkalis, who did not respond to requests for comment, has previously denied charges and accused “political personalities” and newspapers of a “war” against him.

In 2005, Mossack Fonseca employees learned with some alarm that someone on their books went by the name of Francisco P Sánchez, who Mossack Fonseca employees assumed to be Francisco Paesa Sánchez, one of Spain’s most infamous secret agents. “The story . . . was really scary,” wrote the person who first discovered Paesa’s background. Mossack Fonseca had incorporated seven companies of which P Sanchez was a director.

Born in Madrid before the outbreak of the second World War, Paesa amassed a fortune hunting down separatists and a corrupt police chief before fleeing Spain with millions of dollars. In 1998, Paesa faked his own death; his family issued a death certificate that testified to a heart attack in Thailand. But in 2004, investigators tracked him down in Luxembourg. Paesa himself later explained that reports of his death had been a “misunderstanding”.

In December 2005, a Spanish magazine reported on what it called Paesa’s “business network” that built and owned hotels, casinos and a golf course inMorocco. Without mentioning Mossack Fonseca, the article listed the same seven companies incorporated in the BVI.

In October 2005, Mossack Fonseca had decided to distance itself from the companies of which P Sanchez was a director. “We are concern [sic] of the impact it may have in Mossfon’s image if any scandal arises,” the firm wrote an administrator to explain its decision to cut ties with P Sanchez’s companies.

“We believe in principle that when a client is not up front with us about any facts that are relevant for his or her dealings with us, especially their true identity and background, that this is sufficient reason to terminate our relationship with them,” wrote a senior employee.

Paesa could not be reached for comment.

Two Names, Nine Fingers

Another Internet search, this time in March 2015, alerted the firm that another of its clients – a “Claus Mollner” – had been a customer for nearly 30 years. Among unrelated results from Facebook, a family tree or two and an academic linguistic review, there was one article from the University of Delaware.

“Claus Möllner (the name that Werner Mauss always used to identify himself),” said the article.

Mollner or Mauss, also known as Agent 008 and “The Man of Nine Fingers,” thanks to the lost tip of an index finger, claims to be “Germany’s first undercover agent.” Now retired, Mauss’s website boasts of his role in “smashing 100 criminal groups”.

Colombian authorities briefly held Mauss in 1996 on charges, later dropped, that he conspired with guerillas to kidnap a woman and keep part of the ransom payment. Mauss claims the hostage takers were not rebels, that he never received ransom money and that “all operations carried out worldwide . . . have always been effected with the co-operation of German governmental agencies and authorities”.

While Mauss’s real name never appears in Mossack Fonseca’s files, hundreds of documents detail his network of companies in Panama. At least two companies held real estate in Germany.

Mauss did not personally own any offshore companies, Mauss’s lawyer told ICIJ partners Suddeutsche Zeitung and NDR public television. All companies and foundations connected to him were to “secure the personal financial interests of the Mauss family”, said Mauss’s lawyer, were disclosed and paid applicable taxes.

Mauss’s lawyer confirmed that some companies that appear in Mossack Fonseca’s files were used for “humanitarian operations” in peace and hostage negotiations “for forwarding of humanitarian goods such as hospitals, surgical instruments, large amounts of antibiotics etc”, in order to “neutralize” extortion.

In the files it appears that in March 2015, a Mossack Fonseca employee clicked on the Google search result that linked Mollner to Mauss. Yet there is no other suggestion that Mossack Fonseca discovered his true identity. His companies continued to be on Mossack Fonseca’s books into 2015.

It probably suited Mollner, or Mauss, just fine.

As a journalist who interviewed him in 1998 observed: “The secret of his real identity was always Werner Mauss’s capital.”

Also see: “Behind the Murder of Honduras’ Drug Czar,” Time, December 17, 2009: “The assassins came for Honduras’ antidrug czar moments after he dropped his daughter off at school. His car was still in front of the schoolhouse when the two men drove up on a motorcycle and fired 11 bullets into Julian Aristides Gonzalez’s body. His devastated wife rushed to the scene and kissed the corpse of the 57-year-old former general. He had been planning to retire within two months and move his family to Canada. …”

Honduras suspends police brass linked to prosecutors’ deaths

 Published April 05, 2016

The Honduran government has vowed to suspend several top police officials amid mounting evidence they conspired to kill the country’s top anti-drug prosecutor and two other prosecution employees several years ago.

President Juan Orlando Hernandez said at a news conference Tuesday that any police official mentioned in a report published by the newspaper El Heraldo would be suspended and brought before justice.

Prosecution agents raided the main National Police headquarters in the capital looking for evidence in the alleged plot.

El Heraldo published accounts of tapes that suggest police officials paid assassins about $20,000 to kill anti-drug prosecutor Julian Aristides Gonzalez in 2009. Police were also implicated in the killing of prosecutor Orlan Chavez in 2013 and security adviser Alfredo Landaverde in 2011.

From the BBC Archives

Honduras anti-drug chief shot dead by gunmen

8 December 2009

Gunmen in Honduras have shot dead the head of the country’s anti-drug trafficking operations.

Police said retired Gen Julian Aristides Gonzalez was travelling in a car in the capital, Tegucigalpa, when attackers on a motorcycle opened fire.

Honduras is a major route for drugs smuggled from South to North America.
The nation, mired in political crisis since President Manuel Zelaya was ousted in June, also has one of the highest murder rates in the region.

Gen Aristides, director general of the national office for combating drug trafficking, was travelling by car through Tegucigalpa when two attackers on a motorcycle opened fire, police said.

He was reportedly travelling alone, without bodyguards.

On Monday, Gen Aristides had presented a report about drug trafficking through Honduras and voiced concern about the number of landing strips in Honduras that traffickers were using.

He said land owners who allowed their property to be used could face charges of involvement in drug smuggling.

Honduras has long been seen as a transit route for cocaine smuggled from Colombia to the US, with much of the drugs flown into remote airstrips by light aircraft and then moved on to Guatemala and Mexico to reach the North American market.

Gen Aristides said recently he believed smuggling had surged since the US limited anti-drugs co-operation with Honduras in protest at the ousting of President Zelaya in June.

Police have said they have detected more aircraft carrying drugs but have limited resources to stop them without US helicopters and radar.

The Central American country has seen political upheaval this year after President Zelaya was removed from office. He remains holed up in the Brazilian embassy in Tegucigalpa.

Elections at the end of November, recognised by some countries, including the US, saw Porfirio Lobo chosen as the next leader. He is due to take office on 27 January.

Erhard Mossack, father of one of Mossack Fonseca founders, served as combat soldier in Waffen SS during World War II

April 4, 2016

Mossack Fonseca, the Panama-based law firm at the heart of the so-called “Panama Papers” scandal, is a discreet outfit with a roster of big-name clients and a quiet reputation for hiding money from the tax man.

But the company apparently also had another secret. One of its founders, Jurgen Mossack, is the son of a Nazi SS soldier who was a member of the “Totenkopf” (Death’s Head) fighting unit during World War II, the Daily Mail reported Monday.

Citing German media, the report said that Erhard served as a rottenfuehrer (senior corporal) in the SS’s combat branch, the Waffen.

The Waffen initially operated the concentration camps, and later recruited into its ranks many camp guards when it was formed into a combat division. However, Erhard likely only served in the fighting unit, which used the death’s head symbol as its insignia.

In 1948, Erhard moved his family from Germany to Panama, but returned with his wife in the 1970s. He died in the 1990s and his wife passed away five years later, the report said.

According to the International Consortium of Investigating Journalists (ICIJ), citing US Army records, “old intelligence files” showed the father had also offered to spy for the CIA during his time in Panama, apparently on nearby Cuba.

The cloak of secrecy that Mossack Fonseca wrapped around itself was ripped apart on Sunday, when media organizations around the world published information from a massive leak from the firm’s supposedly secure data center.

Politicians, sports stars and celebrities were named in the 11 million pages of documents, according to information starting to be released by the ICIJ, which is parsing the data.

So too were the techniques allegedly used by Mossack Fonseca to make money trails murky, including slavish use of offshore havens such as the British Virgin Islands and some Pacific Ocean nations.

The revelation detailing the offshore structures of many wealthy clients is a “crime” and an “attack” on Panama, the law firm maintains.

“This is a crime, a felony,” Ramon Fonseca, one of the founders of Mossack Fonseca, told AFP.

“This is an attack on Panama because certain countries don’t like it that we are so competitive in attracting companies,” he said.

View of a sign outside the building where Panama-based Mossack Fonseca law firm offices are placed in Panama City on April 3, 2016. (AFP PHOTO / RODRIGO ARANGUA)

View of a sign outside the building where Panama-based Mossack Fonseca law firm offices are placed in Panama City on April 3, 2016. (AFP PHOTO / RODRIGO ARANGUA)

Inside Mossack Fonseca

So who runs Mossack Fonseca, whose headquarters are housed in a fairly nondescript mirrored building in Panama’s business district?

One of the two lawyers who founded the firm more than three decades ago, Jurgen Mossack, was born in Germany in 1948 and moved to Panama with his family, where he obtained his law degree.

The other founder is Fonseca, born in 1952. He, too, got his law degree in Panama but also studied at the prestigious London School of Economics, and once said in an interview he had mulled becoming a priest.

Fonseca had a small business until he merged with Mossack and the two went after offshore business by opening offices in the British Virgin Islands.

The ICIJ said the leak shows that half of the companies the law firm incorporated — more than 113,000 — were done so in that fiscal paradise.

But Mossack Fonseca also branched out to the Pacific, to a tiny island nation called Niue.

According to the ICIJ, by 2001 the firm was earning so much from its offshore registrations on the island it was contributing 80 percent to Niue’s annual budget.

When the British Virgin Islands was forced to clamp down on some methods that had previously permitted anonymous ownership of companies, Mossack Fonseca moved business to Panama and to the Caribbean island of Anguilla.

Online scrubbing

The law firm spent money to try to remove online references linking it to money laundering and tax evasion.

But other countries took an increased interest in what it was doing. In Brazil, it was named as being one of the parties within a huge bribery scandal unfolding involving the state oil company Petrobras.

It also came under scrutiny in the US state of Nevada, where a judge determined that it had willfully tried to cover up its management role over its local branch there.

Last month, Fonseca — who had also been an adviser to Panamanian President Juan Carlos Varela since 2014 — declared he was taking a leave of absence.

The step was to “defend my honor,” he said, as the Brazilian allegations piled up.

Donald Trump is not Hitler. He’s more like the leader of the German-American Bund.

It was a political moment unprecedented in American history. A charismatic leader took the stage in an arena packed to the rafters with fanatical supporters and delivered a rousing and most assuredly politically incorrect speech decrying the United States’ “suicidal tolerance of parasitical aliens, making something entirely different out of the nation, destroying its ethics, morals, patriotism, and religious conceptions.” He told his devoted audience to pledge their loyalty to him and their desires for a greater America. In the media gallery, a reporter was forcibly removed as she openly mocked the speaker. A wild-eyed protester rushed the stage but was stopped by a steady rain of fists administered to his head and torso as the crowd roared its approval.

Another day, another Trump campaign event? No, this was the Feb. 20, 1939, gathering of the German-American Bund, a Depression-era pro-Hitler organization, at their “Washington’s Birthday Rally” in Madison Square Garden. A packed house of 20,000 plus whooped it up the Bundist leader Fritz Kuhn, a man with vainglorious dreams who roused crowds by targeting perceived religious, racial, ethnic, and/or political enemies. Like Trump, Kuhn had an uncanny talent for tapping into populist sentiments. He too was an audacious egotist, a notorious truth-stretcher, and outright liar. Among other things, Kuhn bragged that he’d been part of the mob that followed Hitler into the Beer Hall putsch, though there was no proof of the veracity of this claim.

A veteran of the Great War, Kuhn was expatriated from Germany to Mexico after he was caught stealing from his employer. He then headed to Detroit, where his master’s degree in chemistry from the University of Munich was good enough to get him hired at Henry Ford Hospital—a medical facility with an employment ban on Jewish doctors. Kuhn joined the Friends of New Germany, used hospital broom closets to practice his oratory skills, and quickly rose to the top of the organization’s Midwest division. When the group dissolved, Kuhn declared that the only way for a pro-Hitler movement to succeed in the United States was by rebuilding the organization based on core American principles and the ideas of the Founding Fathers. The group adhered to a detailed constitution, one that mimicked the language of Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence in its call for the “preservation of the inalienable Right to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness in a truly sovereign United States of America, ruled in accordance with Aryan Christian Precepts.”

Like Trump, Kuhn was a skilled entrepreneur. Under his leadership, the Bund was transformed into a money-making machine with interests that included publishing newspapers and other propaganda, sales of Bund ephemera and uniforms, and a nationwide constellation of family retreats. Though membership numbers are at best fuzzy (records were both secretive and poorly kept), the FBI believed there were some 5,000 to 8,000 Bundists, while the American Legion estimated the Bund had numbers upwards of 25,000. Kuhn claimed he had more than 200,000 followers.

Yet America’s wanna-be Fuhrer ultimately self-destructed. In 1939 he went to prison after being caught embezzling from the Bund coffers to fund his extramarital dalliances. Stripped of his American citizenship and sent to Sing Sing, Kuhn was deported after WWII back to Germany. He died there in 1951, broken and forgotten.

With the metamorphosis of Donald Trump from real-estate mogul to Republican presidential frontrunner with a weakness for retweeting someone with the Twitter handle “WhiteGenocideTM,” it seems worthwhile to think again about Fritz Kuhn, whose ideological descendants have flocked to Trump, whether he wants their support or not. “I’m sure he would repudiate any association with people like me,” said Jared Taylor of the “New Century Foundation,” one of the groups behind an unsolicited pro-Trump robo-call campaign, “but his support comes from people who are more like me than he would like to admit.” Perhaps most notorious of all was the backing from David Duke, the former KKK Grand Wizard, one-time Louisiana GOP State Representative, and a veteran of two presidential campaigns of his own: in 1988 as a Democrat and in 1992 as a Republican. “Voting against Donald Trump at this point, is really treason to your heritage,” he told his Internet radio listeners. While noting that this was not a formal endorsement, Duke added that he supported voting for Trump as a “strategic action” and encouraged his listeners to volunteer for the Trump campaign. Pressed on the issue by Jake Tapper on CNN’s State of the Union, Trump claimed ignorance of white nationalist support or knowing anything about David Duke. When called out on this, Trump disingenuously said he misunderstood Tapper’s line of questioning, blaming it all on “a bad earpiece.”

Trump’s paterfamilias, Fred Trump, was the son of German immigrants. In 1927 a “Fred Trump” was listed in a New York Times article as one of the many arrestees at a Klan melee near his home in Queens. Conceivably, Trump the Elder had no involvement in a brawl between local Klansmen and cops; he might well have been on the wrong street corner when the rally cranked up into riot and arrests were rampant. That said, Fred Trump institutionalized his racism while building his real-estate empire in the postwar era. At the Trump housing complex in Beach Haven, near Coney Island, one tenant, the folksinger Woody Guthrie, was appalled by the blatant discrimination against African Americans that permeated rentals. Guthrie responded as only he could, firing out the lyrics that echo into the 2016 presidential race: “I suppose/ Old Man Trump knows/ Just how much/ Racial Hate/ he stirred up/ In the bloodpot of human hearts.” In 1973 Trump was investigated by the Justice Department’s Civil Rights division for discriminatory leasing violations; two years later he settled without admission of guilt. A Village Voice article quoted a Trump realtor who said word came from the top: no renting to African Americans.

Yet when it came to Jews—or at least Jewish charities—Fred Trump had a soft spot. According to his June 26, 1999, obituary in the New York Times, Trump the Elder gave generously to the Long Island Jewish Hospital, where he ultimately died of complications from pneumonia compounded by a six-year struggle with Alzheimer’s disease.

Donald Trump’s cockamamie plans to build a Mexico-financed wall on our southern border, his demands that American Muslims carry special IDs while their foreign brethren be prevented from entering the United States, or his insistence that we use torture as a negotiation strategy, hardly make him another Hitler. Rather, Trump is engendering an old fashioned American kind of hatred—the kind this country saw on that cold February night in 1939. And just as it is worth remembering Fritz Kuhn, it is also worth remembering how Americans responded to his attempt to hijack George Washington and the Founding Fathers in the name of Fascism.

In 1930s Germany, standing up to Hitler meant death. But in the United States, when Kuhn laid out his plan to 20,000 followers in Madison Square Garden, New York streets surrounding the venue were choked with an estimated 100,000 people of all stripes, from college student Trotskyites to button-down businessmen all determined to stop Kuhn and the German-American Bund. Dorothy Thompson, the journalist tossed from the event, marked this moment with pride as the second time she was kicked out by a Fascist: Thompson was the first foreign correspondent sent packing by Nazi Germany afterHarper’s published her interview with Hitler, describing the fuhrer as “formless, almost faceless, a man whose countenance is a caricature, a man whose framework seems cartilaginous, without bones. He is inconsequent and voluble, ill poised and insecure. He is the very prototype of the little man.”

Isidore Greenbaum, the Brooklynite who rushed the stage in the midst of Kuhn’s speech in a valiant attempt to take down him, was beaten en masse by German-American Bund guards. Greenbaum’s pants were ripped from his legs in the melee, after which he was tossed into the arms of New York’s finest, who hadto arrest him. When taken to night court, Greenbaum explained in his defense that he was infuriated by Kuhn and that direct action was vital regardless of any riot that could have ensued. “Don’t you realize that innocent people might have been killed?” the judge admonished Greenbaum. “Don’t you realize that plenty of Jewish people might be killed with their persecution up there?” Greenbaum fired back.

We’ve seen the picture of a Trump supporter in Chicago defiantly throwing a stiff armed “Sieg heil” styled salute at anti-Trump protesters, as well as the video of another Trump supporter screaming “Go back to fuckin’ Auschwitz!” outside of a Kansas City event. What links them not with Hitler, but with Fritz Kuhn, is that the larger majority of Americans share the sensibilities of Dorothy Thompson, Isidore Greenbaum, and the countless others who ultimately cast Fritz Kuhn and the German-American Bund onto the ash-heap of history.

Americans aren’t optimistic about the front-running presidential candidates’ ability to lead the country, according to a survey conducted by the Pew Research Center.

Between January 7 and 14, Pew surveyed 2,009 adults across the country, 1,525 of whom are registered voters. Of those polled, almost a quarter said Hillary Clinton would be a great president, but 28 percent said she’d be terrible. Donald Trump fared even worse: 38 percent of those polled said he would be a terrible president and 14 percent said he would be a poor president. He was the most divisive candidate, with only 12 percent saying his presidency would be “average.”

Though Jeb Bush and Chris Christie were described as great presidents by only 2 percent of those polled, 35 and 33 percent, respectively, said they would each be average leaders of the free world. That makes Bush the most average candidate running on either side of the political spectrum.

120pewchart1How voters view each presidential candidate’s ability to lead, according to a Pew Research Center survey.PEW RESEARCH CENTER

Among exclusively registered republicans, 36 percent described Trump as a good president and 20 percent said he would be a great president. Republicans were most put off by Bush; 21 percent of those polled said he would be a poor president. Fifteen percent of Republicans said Bush would be a terrible president.

As for the Democrats, Clinton fared better than Bernie Sanders across the board: 43 percent said she would be good, compared to 33 percent saying Sanders would be good. Only  7 percent said Clinton would be poor, compared to Sanders’ 10 percent. Three percent of Democrats said each candidate would be terrible.


Pew also polled Republicans about the Democratic candidates and vice versa. Not surprisingly, 64 percent of democrats described Trump as a terrible president. Democrats had kinder words for Bush, who 11 percent called good—more than any other Republican candidate. John Kasich, trailing in the polls, was dubbed least terrible by Democrats, with only 7 percent of respondents thinking he would fit that bill.

120pewresearchcenterHow Republicans and Democrats view their candidates, according to a survey by Pew Research Center.PEW RESEARCH CENTER

As for Republicans, they were partial to Sanders: Clinton was considered terrible by 57 percent of registered Republicans polled, compared with Sanders’ 34 percent. Nine percent said Sanders would be a good president, compared to 7 percent for Clinton.

The survey also looked at education levels of those polled. “The prospect of Donald Trump in the White House is viewed more positively by GOP voters who have not completed college than Republican college graduates—the only Republican candidate tested for whom this is the case,” the center wrote in its findings.

Notably, Republicans are more interested in the 2016 race than they were in 2008, with 56 percent giving the possible candidates “a lot” of thought, compared with 50 percent eight years ago.

Three people who claim they were assaulted at a Donald Trump rally in Louisville, Kentucky, last month have filed a lawsuit against the Republican presidential candidate, saying he “incited a riot.”

Molly Shah, Kashiya Nwanguma and Henry Brousseau filed the lawsuit on Thursday in Jefferson Circuit Court in Louisville, claiming that Trump’s repeated calls of “get them out” at a rally at the Kentucky International Convention Center on March 1 was intended to direct his supporters to “use unwanted, harmful physical force to remove protesters, including the plaintiffs.”

The lawsuit also names as defendants the Trump campaign and three individuals who the plaintiffs claim assaulted them at the rally.

The three plaintiffs, all Louisville residents, claim they suffered physical injuries, emotional distress and humiliation, and are seeking unspecified damages, according to the lawsuit.

“Peaceful protest is an American tradition, especially in the context of presidential politics,” Dan Canon, the attorney for the plaintiffs, told Reuters in a Twitter message. “But what you see all over the country, time and time again, is violence employed against protesters at Trump campaign events. These plaintiffs are saying ‘enough is enough,'”

The lawsuit said Trump stopped his 30-minute speech five times to point out protesters and, in most cases, told supporters to “get ’em out of here,” according to the lawsuit.

A spokeswoman for Trump’s campaign could not be reached for comment.

The lawsuit claims that Trump “incited a riot as defined under the Kentucky penal code.”

Republican U.S. presidential candidate Donald Trump greets supporters at a Super Tuesday campaign rally in LouisvilleThe individuals named as defendants are Matthew Heimbach, described in the complaint as a Trump supporter and Ohio resident who is “affiliated with the Traditionalist Worker Party, a recognized hate group”; Alvin Bamberger, 75, described as a Trump supporter and an Ohio resident; and an unknown female.

According to the lawsuit, at the rally, Heimbach, who was wearing a Traditionalist Worker Party T-shirt, attacked Shah and Nwanguma. A spokesman for the Traditional Worker Party could not be reached.

A website for the Traditionalist Worker Party describes it as a grassroots political organization that believes, among other things, that “European-American identity is under constant attack.”

The Southern Poverty Law Center, a non-profit organization that monitors groups it considers extremist, classifies the Traditionalist Worker Party as a white nationalist hate group.

According to the lawsuit, Nwanguma was assaulted by numerous protesters at the rally, of whom Heimbach and Bamberger were the most aggressive. Video of Nwanguma, a 21-year-old college student, being repeatedly pushed at the convention went viral after the rally, the lawsuit said.

Bamberger could not be reached immediately for comment.

The lawsuit also claims that Shah was assaulted by Heimbach and that Brousseau was assaulted by the unknown female defendant.

(Reporting by Steve Bittenbender; Editing by Ben Klayman and Leslie Adler)