August 1, 2014 - The Constantine Report    
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March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

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March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
Image
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
Image
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
Image
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
Image
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading

UK: Conservative Chancellor of the Exchequer Photographed at Dominatrix's Flat

This is a modified py-6 that occupies the entire horizontal space of its parent.

Chancellor of the Exchequer

Responsibilities

The Chancellor of the Exchequer is the government’s chief financial minister and as such is responsible for raising revenue through taxation or borrowing and for controlling public spending. He has overall responsibility for the work of the Treasury.

The Chancellor’s responsibilities cover:

  • fiscal policy (including the presenting of the annual Budget)
  • monetary policy, setting inflation targets
  • ministerial arrangements (in his role as Second Lord of the Treasury)

Current role holder: The Rt Hon George Osborne MP

George Osborne became Chancellor of the Exchequer in May 2010. He has been the Conservative MP for Tatton, Cheshire since June 2001.

Education

He was born and educated in London, studying modern history at Oxford University.

Political career

George worked as Political Secretary to the Leader of the Opposition before being elected to Parliament. He entered Parliament as the youngest Conservative MP in the House of Commons.

After serving on the Public Accounts Committee and holding a number shadow ministerial posts, he was appointed to the position of Shadow Chancellor in 2005, aged 33, where he served opposite Chancellors Gordon Brown and Alistair Darling until 2010.

In 2005 he successfully ran David Cameron’s campaign to become Leader of the Conservative Party. Following the 2010 Election he was part of the small Conservative negotiating team during the discussions that led to the formation of the Coalition Government. In May 2010 he became Chancellor of the Exchequer.

He was the youngest Chancellor to take office since Randolph Churchill in 1886.

Personal life

George is married to the writer Frances Osborne. They have 2 children.

Woman arrested after posting photo of George Osborne at Dominatrix’s flat

30 Jul 2014

(not satire – it’s the UK today!)

A woman was arrested today after posting a photograph on Twitter of chancellor George Osborne at her flat when she worked as a madame at an escort agency.

Natalie Rowe posted this photo on Twitter just two days ago:

rowe osborne

Then today Natalie was arrested by the police for “abusive behaviour”:

rowe osborne1

Natalie’s home was also searched last year by police after she tried to publish her memoirs in which she mentions Osborne took cocaine and used her services as a dominatrix called Miss Whiplash:

Cops raid home of ex-vice madam about to tell all on wild parties involving top Tories

Of course this could all be coincidence.

Or perhaps more proof – if any more were needed – that our police are being used to protect politicians’ reputations rather than catching criminals?

UPDATE: Natalie has posted another photo of Osborne – this time off his head dancing to Spandau Ballet apparently:

Dominatrix posts new photo of George Osborne dancing to Spandau Ballet in her flat

Related:Book Review: ‘Chasing Shadows’ and ‘The Nixon Tapes’” Excerpt:

… “Chasing Shadows” mainly seeks to highlight the importance of the Chennault Affair to Nixon’s undoing. What was the Chennault Affair? Late in the 1968 presidential campaign, President Johnson, having forsworn another term, was ready to halt the bombing of North Vietnam to try to revive peace negotiations. Nixon, the Republican nominee, considered the decision a ploy to help Vice President Hubert Humphrey, the Democratic candidate, who was trailing in the polls. So Nixon had his law partner (and later attorney general) John N. Mitchell speak to Anna Chennault, a 43-year-old Chinese-born Republican activist, who in turn spoke to Bui Diem, the South Vietnamese ambassador, who in turn told South Vietnamese President Nguyen Van Thieu to reject LBJ’s initiative, promising a better deal once Nixon was elected. This skulduggery arguably violated the Logan Act, which bars private citizens from freelancing in foreign policy.

In implicating Nixon in this episode, Hughes adduces a great deal of strong evidence, including from LBJ’s own White House tapes (yes, he made them, too — though not nearly as many as Nixon). Roughly the first third of “Chasing Shadows” meticulously maps out the twists and turns in the bombing-halt negotiations, creating a delicious portrait of pervasive suspicion among Nixon, Johnson, Humphrey and their aides. Hughes establishes that as soon as Nixon came into office, he knew he had a big secret to hide.

Hughes then shows how this secret contributed to Watergate. Told by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover in late 1968 that the bureau had bugged his campaign plane (a falsehood, Hughes says), Nixon decided he needed his own dirt on LBJ. After taking office, he assigned H.R. Haldeman, his top aide, to gather intelligence from across the government to show that LBJ had acted to help Humphrey. Haldeman delegated the task to a young flunky named Tom Charles Huston. …

Book Excerpt: ‘Chasing Shadows’ by Ken Hughes

University of Virginia Press

 Reprinted from Chasing Shadows: The Nixon Tapes, the Chennault Affair, and the Origins of Watergate by Ken Hughes

INTRODUCTION

41iIZ-n57uL._SY344_BO1,204,203,200_What more could we possibly need to know about Watergate? Four decades have passed since Richard Nixon left the White House looking like a man whose worst fears were being realized. But he had not yet hit bottom. President Gerald Ford’s blanket pardon soon relieved him of the fear of prosecution and imprisonment, but that was not the ultimate threat Nixon faced. His presidency had been ended by a handful of tapes, secretly recorded on his own orders via microphones hidden in the Oval Office and other locations where he conducted the people’s business. Public exposure of the full collection of Nixon tapes could destroy much of what remained of his reputation. The 3,432 hours of recordings captured a pivotal time in his presidency and American history. During the time of his secret taping, February 16, 1971, to July 12, 1973, Nixon negotiated the diplomatic opening to China, the first nuclear arms limitation treaty with the Soviet Union, and a settlement of what was then America’s longest war, while winning a landslide reelection that realigned American politics and (not coincidentally) committing the wide-ranging abuses of power known collectively as Watergate. Until his dying day, the former president waged a legal battle to keep the public from learning what was on the rest of his tapes. The reasons became clear after his death, as the federal government gradually released most of the Nixon tapes (while withholding material on policy, privacy, and national security grounds) over the next two decades, a process completed only in August of 2013. At the same, the National Archives made public many of the 50 million pages of Nixon administration documents in its collection.

In an article reflecting on the fortieth anniversary of the Watergate break-in, Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward, the two investigative journalists whose trailblazing articles in the days and months following the burglary started to expose the pervasive abuses of power behind it, marveled at the wealth of documentation now available: “Today, much more than when we first covered this story as young Washington Post reporters, an abundant record provides unambiguous answers and evidence about Watergate and its meaning.” From this record, Woodward and Bernstein concluded that Watergate consisted of five wars waged by Nixon: “against the anti-Vietnam War movement, the news media, the Democrats, the justice system and, finally, against history itself.”

The Chennault Affair played an unacknowledged, largely unseen, role in all five of these Watergate wars, driving some of Nixon’s most outrageous assaults on war critics, journalism, the opposition, justice and history. The affair is a thread running through the Huston Plan, the Enemies List, and the Special Investigations Unit (“the Plumbers”), and it provides clearer answers to questions about some of the more outlandish decisions Nixon made. Why was his reaction to the leak of the Pentagon Papers so extreme? Why was he obsessed with getting his hands on all government documents related to his predecessor’s decision to stop bombing North Vietnam in 1968? Why did he order the Watergate cover-up?

The Chennault Affair is not, however, the magical key to all of Watergate; it’s part of a much bigger, complicated story. Many factors contributed to Nixon’s fall, far more than I can fit in these pages. Wand-waving accounts that reduce the complexity of Nixon’s downfall to a single cause are the preserve of Watergate revisionists. From time to time a new theory emerges placing the blame for Nixon’s downfall on the scheming of a scapegoat (or, more marketably, a shadowy conspiracy of scapegoats). John W. Dean plays a recurring, featured role in these fantasies. Ever since Dean went from White House counsel to witness for the prosecution in the spring of 1973, Nixon and his defenders have tried to shift responsibility for Watergate onto his shoulders. Dean was a key figure in the cover-up, but not the central one. That was Nixon. The notion that the president was the victim of a criminal conspiracy rather than the perpetrator of one cannot survive the tape-recorded sound of him calling the shots from the Oval Office.

“His secret tapes—and what they reveal—will probably be his most lasting legacy,” Woodward and Bernstein wrote in 2012. The authors of two enduring classics on Watergate, All the President’s Men and The Final Days, found that there was even more to the story than investigators uncovered at the time: “The Watergate that we wrote about in the Washington Post from 1972 to 1974 is not Watergate as we know it today. It was only a glimpse into something far worse.”

Since 2000 I have studied the White House tapes as part of the Presidential Recordings Program founded by the University of Virginia’s Miller Center. These years of research have convinced me that the origins of Watergate extend deeper than we previous knew to encompass a crime committed to elect Nixon president in the first place. Chasing Shadows tells the story of that crime and its role in the unmaking of the president.

Reprinted from Chasing Shadows: The Nixon Tapes, the Chennault Affair, and the Origins of Watergate by Ken Hughes by permission of the University of Virginia Press. For more:http://www.upress.virginia.edu or http://www.chasing-shadows.com

“… Here was Rabbi Dov Lior, an extreme right-wing religious leader in the settlement movement. He had just issued a religious ruling (say, fatwa), for ‘the total destruction of Gaza if Israel’s military leaders deem it necessary.’ So, according to this rabbi, a carpet-bombing of Gaza, exterminating maybe a million civilians, would be just fine. …”

Gideon Levy is a prominent Israeli journalist and a leading voice within the Israeli liberal left. The other day, he published a piece in daily Haaretz, where he writes regularly. He focused on the bewildering lack of concern some of his compatriots had regarding the civilian casualties, including children, in Gaza. Some Israelis were even expressing joy in the face of four Arab children burned to death by Israeli missiles while they were playing on the beach. 

As Levy quoted, here were some of comments on the website, “Walla!”:

Shani Moyal: “I couldn’t care less Arab children were killed, too bad it wasn’t more. Well done to the IDF.”

Stav Sabah: “Really, these are great pictures. They make me so happy; I want to look at them again and again.”

Sharon Avishi: “Only four? Too bad. We hoped for more.”

Daniela Turgeman: “Great. We need to kill all the children.”

Chaya Hatnovich: “There isn’t a more beautiful picture than those dead Arab children.”

Orna Peretz: “Why only four?”

Rachel Cohen: “I’m not for children dying in Gaza. I’m for everyone burning.”

Tami Mashan: “As many children as possible should die.”

While I was reading these unbelievable words, news about another shocking comment by a prominent Israeli fell into my inbox. Here was Rabbi Dov Lior, an extreme right-wing religious leader in the settlement movement. He had just issued a religious ruling (say, fatwa), for “the total destruction of Gaza if Israel’s military leaders deem it necessary.” So, according to this rabbi, a carpet-bombing of Gaza, exterminating maybe a million civilians, would be just fine.

Then I also recalled what Ayalet Shaked, a young female Israeli politician who represents the far-right Jewish Home party, said in the Israeli Knesset. About two weeks ago, she had likened Arab children in Gaza to “little snakes” and expressed her delight over their killing.

Now, I don’t know about you, but what this kind of language reminds me of is a ruthless political culture that has zero sympathy for the innocent lives it takes, even those of little children, for the sake of its own political interests. The common, if not pejorative, definition for such hate-mongering political cultures is “fascism,” and it seems that Israel has a good dose of it.

Of course not all Israelis can be blamed for fascism. There are indeed many liberals, peaceniks, human-rights activists who resist this tide and to try to tell their compatriots that Palestinians are human beings, too. There are brave journalists such as Gideon Levy who do the same, risking being branded a “traitor.” (Indeed, watch out for the “traitors” in fascist cultures; they are often exceptionally good men – or women).

However, fascism is indeed still growing in Israel, “a country founded in its very blood trail,” as another daily Haaretz columnist, Bradley Burston, put it four years ago. (See: “Rebranding Israel as a State Headed for Fascism,” Huffington Post, May 18, 2010). This is drowning Israel in a perpetual state of war – for she never approaches the self-criticism and self-correction that she needs to make peace with Arabs.

And it is also degrading its values. Rather than being “a light unto the nations” as the Prophet Isaiah foretold, Israel is rather going down in history as an oppressor of nations. What a pity.

July/26/2014

The Karl Rove-backed super PAC helped nominate a 29-year-old former Bush adviser in a competitive congressional primary.

BY JOSH KRAUSHAAR

Since its inception, American Crossroads has spent nearly all of its money on the 2012 presidential election and battleground Senate races, only occasionally involving itself in a House campaign. So when the Karl Rove-connected super PAC decided to spend over $770,000 in a rural New York congressional race last month, taking sides in a heated Republican primary, it raised eyebrows among some GOP strategists.

The expenditures on behalf of 29-year-old Elise Stefanik, a former Bush White House political aide and adviser to Rep. Paul Ryan’s 2012 vice presidential campaign, were unusual for two reasons. One, it was the first time that American Crossroads ever went negative against another Republican: Its ad called businessman Matt Doheny a “perpetual loser” and accused him of mistreating his employees. By contrast, the group held its fire against other targeted Republicans, airing only positive spots on behalf of favored GOP candidates like Senate nominee Thom Tillis of North Carolina. Second, Crossroads has acted disinterested in the House landscape this year, given that Republicans are near locks to hold their majority and other GOP-aligned groups are filling that role. The money spent for Stefanik was more than the amount they spent in the nationally watched Florida special election in March won by now-Rep. David Jolly—a race that fueled the narrative that 2014 would be a very favorable year for Republicans.

What made Stefanik unique is that she’s a member of the George W. Bush alumni club, having served as a domestic-policy adviser in the former president’s administration—and she’s not the only candidate with connections to the Bush White House to claim special privileges. In Alaska, leading Senate candidate Dan Sullivan won early support from Crossroads, and received a rare televised endorsement from former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice in a March campaign ad. Sullivan served as Bush’s assistant secretary of State for economic, energy, and business affairs. “Crossroads has become a Bush alumni super PAC,” said one Republican strategist involved in congressional races.

American Crossroads President Steven Law said the candidates’ connections to Bush “are not a factor in our decision-making process.” He noted that Ryan was one of Stefanik’s biggest champions, encouraging donors and outside groups to get involved for her campaign. (Another Republican campaign official said that the involvement was spurred by top Crossroads donor Paul Singer, who is trying to help elect more Republican women to Congress.) And in the Alaska race, Law said the group endorsed Sullivan because of his fundraising capability, a factor enhanced by his ties to former administration officials. The group hasn’t yet spent money or reserved ad time on behalf of Senate nominee Ed Gillespie of Virginia, a former Bush official and Crossroads adviser.

“You have to prioritize where you think you can have the most significant impact. Our primary [campaign] involvement goes through a but-for test—but for our engagement, would we be able to make a meaningful difference in the race?” said Law. The New York race “is one where if there wasn’t additional spending on the outside, Doheny would have won the primary and lost again in the general.”

To be sure, Crossroads’ decisions have proven to be strategically sound, helping stronger candidates prevail through difficult primaries. In Doheny, Stefanik faced a flawed candidate who lost the district twice before and had been photographed making out with one of his fundraising consultants. Sullivan, meanwhile, boasted a compelling resume as a Marine Corps officer, presidential adviser, and statewide officeholder in Alaska. He proved his fundraising viability before Crossroads backed his campaign, while his leading Republican opponent, Alaska Lt. Gov. Mead Treadwell, has struggled to put together a professional operation.

But critics of the group’s tactics argue that valuable resources were diverted to an inconsequential House primary, when other Republican establishment groups were fighting to save Sen. Thad Cochran’s career in Mississippi, and by extension, the GOP’s Senate prospects. After Cochran finished second in the initial primary, Crossroads publicly telegraphedit wasn’t doing anything more to help the embattled incumbent for the runoff. Crossroads has also stayed out of other contested Republican primaries where the quality of the nominee made a big difference, like in Georgia and Iowa. By contrast, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which has played an outsize role in nominating fights this cycle, aired ads in those races on behalf of Joni Ernst and Rep. Jack Kingston.

Meanwhile, using Rice as a validator in the Alaska television ad struck several Republican operatives as tone-deaf, given that Sullivan was trying to rebut criticism that he wasn’t closely connected to Alaska. Utilizing Rice as his leading surrogate only underscored his connections to Washington. As one GOP strategist put it: “There aren’t many African-American voters in Alaska.”

The most telling test of the group’s support for Bush-connected candidates will be in the Virginia Senate race. Gillespie, Bush’s former counselor and American Crossroads strategist, once looked poised to receive outside support from his longtime allies. But he’s kept his distance from Crossroads, forming a separate We Can Do Better super PAC specifically for his race against Sen. Mark Warner. American Crossroads announced this month it has reserved over $20 million of advertising time in seven  Senate battleground states, and Virginia wasn’t on the list.

So far, the pro-Gillespie We Can Do Better PAC has been struggling to raise money, bringing in only $140,000 since its formation in January, according to new Federal Election Commission filings. Donors to the super PAC include two former Bush campaign bundlers, according to the Center for Public Integrity; the two have also been generous contributors to American Crossroads.

Law said that the group is still evaluating the Virginia Senate race, and will reassess whether their involvement could make a difference around Labor Day.

“The whole issue in Virginia is to see if there’s a pathway to victory and whether our involvement makes a material difference,” said Law. “We don’t want to telegraph our strategy there. Ed’s raising money, staying on message, he’s setting up the frame of the race the way he needs to do it.”

This article appears in the July 11, 2014 edition of NJ Daily.