July 22, 2013 - The Constantine Report    
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading

The CIA, an American Pinay Circle & the Muslim Brotherhood

This is a modified py-6 that occupies the entire horizontal space of its parent.

” … The CIA funded the Muslim Brotherhood in 1977, and trained Mujahadin to support Hekmatyar of the Brotherhood in Afghanistan. The Muslim Brothers have served the CIA operationally for some 40 years, an arrangement rubber-stamped by Allen Dulles, Frank Wisner and Kermit Roosevelt. Airline hijacker Mohammed Atta was ID’d as a Muslim Brother in the Wall Street Journal and New York Times shortly after the jet attacks on the World Trade Center. So were Khalid Shaik Mohammed, and Ramzi Yousef, reportedly guided to a sacrificial pyre in the sky by Aman Zawahiri, Al Qeada’s second-in-command – also a co-conspirator, while operating under the aegis of the CIA, in the murder of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and the 1993 WTC bomb plot. … “

(Excerpt from “Terror on  the Right,” to be released in the Fall of 2013)

“… The sky burns,
A copper roof over the shriveled corn.
Children and camels gasp in the noonday heat.
Enemies sweat in their steel, cry out at night,
And wake up trembling, wet with fright.
We squat and stare
Across the nervous barbs, tied by our common dreads…”

– Aubrey Hodes, “Hating

Adnan Khashoggi’s mercenary army of global corporate criminals lives in Mafia mansions, basks in the political limelight, enjoys privileges of royalty in tyrannical desert dystopias, sips vodka in the shadow of gleaming Moscow spires. They are kings, Pentagon officials, priests, S&L thieves, assassins, prostitutes, nazis, Big Oil executives, metals merchants, New Age cultists, drug barons, boiler-room con artists, mobsters, dictators by the horde. And terrorists, of course.

Khashoggi is a Turkoman, the son of a doctor who tended to Abdul al-Aziz Ibn Saud. The Khashoggi brothers were classmates of the future King Hussein and several sons of the bin Ladens.1 His career as an international “connector” began in the 1950s, while still an undergraduate at Chico State College. His purchase of fifty Kenworth trucks for resale to Saudi Arabia’s bin Laden Group demonstrated his business savvy, and provided him the capital to launch his career as world-class death merchant.

In the early 1960s, he could be found languishing in the sun or plotting world domination at Edwin Pauley’s Coconut Island estate in Hawaii. Pauley, then Democratic Party chairman, operated an oil company called Zapata with the son of Prescott Bush, the Nazi collaborator.2

Houston attorney Linda Minor sidelines as an investigator into banking and political malfeasance. She discovered that Pauley was a slimy operator years before his alliance with Bush.

“He was a spy within the White House,” Minor says, “acting as a funnel for campaign funds to FDR, while at the same time gathering and transmitting information about oil policy and captured Nazi and Japanese assets back to his California business associates.”

Pauley’s political significance stems from his participation in Gulf of Mexico oil explorations in the 1950′s when, with an oil concession from Mexico, he threw in with Howard Hughes and George H.W. Bush.

“Pauley taught Bush how to launder money through corporate subsidiaries to be used for payoffs and the financing of political campaigns,” Minor notes. “Both Pauley and Bush used this system to finance Richard Nixon’s presidential campaigns.”

The laundering scheme unraveled after the 1972 election, when a check drawn at a Mexican bank – the subsidiary of a Houston corporation controlled by associates of Bush the elder – surfaced in the Miami bank account of a Watergate plumber.3

Saudi shiekhs and domestic oil barons struck up alliances. Shiekh Kamal Adham and a circle of cohorts founded Arabian Shield Development Co. in Texas. (since re-named the Arabian American Development Company).

Sheikh Mohammad Salem Bin Mahfouz at National Commercial Bank was an Arabian Shield investor.4 “During the 1980′s,” reports Martin J. Rivers of the Center for Research on Globalization, “Sheikh Mahfouz’s syndicate performed major CIA-inspired banking operations for such former CIA assets as Osama bin Laden … Saddam Hussein, Manuel Noriega and other drug dealing generals. George W. Bush, for his part, had important business relationships … with a total of nine prominent individuals central to Mahfouz’s financial empire.”5

The early 1970s also brought Saudis recruited by the CIA to train at American military bases, including Prince Bandar bin Sultan.6

After September 11, 2001, Bandar drew the attention of the press when it was discovered that two of the terrorists involved were found to have received financing from the Prince’s wife. Bandar trained at Ellington AFB near Houston.7

In the early 1970s, the prince fell in with James A. Baker’s social circle, struck up an alliance with Joanne Herring, who was instrumental in luring Texas Democrat Charlie Wilson to support Gul Hekmatyar of the Muslim Brotherhood chaptger in Afghanstan by the late ’70s.

The Big Oil-CIA-Saudi alliance was consummated with the establishment of the Safari Club of elite cut-throats, founded with covert Agency support on Sept. 1, 1976. George Herbert Walker Bush was then director of the Agency,. Nelson Rockefeller was vice president under Ford.

The Safari Club was a CIA cut-out: This clutch of intelligence agents, politicians and businessmen from three countries (Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Iran) was founded with the express purpose of engaging in covert operations in Africa and the Middle East without leaving a CIA footprint.

Chicago Tribune book reviewer Padam Ahlawa neatly summarized the tensions that gave rise to the Safari Club: “The origins of world terrorism go back to the cold war era. Moscow’s monumental blunder in invading Afghanistan in 1979 set off a sequence of intrigue-laden events in Afghanistan…. High-profile military operations were out. Carter wanted a covert CIA operation like the one it had carried out in Laos, with no US personnel directly involved. The Agency, it was decided, would co-opt specialized American military personnel with the support of the Pakistan military to train an army of Muslim zealots.”

Anwar Sadat entered into an agreement to assist in the training and equipping of recruits for the coming Anti-Communist jihad. “Russian weapons were flown to Afghanistan. Encouraging fundamentalism to grow in Egypt had its fallout when these Mujahadins turned hostile to Sadat for signing the peace treaty with Israel. It led to Sadat’s assassination and terrorist acts of killing 58 tourists. Zia ul Haq of Pakistan made the best of this opportunity, created the ISI to train Pakistanis and Afghans. By doing this, Pakistan’s economic and social instability increased and terrorist acts in Sindh grew.”8

The Safari Club’s cover was blown when the Ayatollah Khomeini allowed an Egyptian reporter to peek into the archives of the exiled Shah of Iran – a Club member.9 The CIA/Safari Club left footprints in the destabilization campaign at Mengistu in Ethiopia, the unrest in Costa Rica, and there were treadmarks all over Iran-Contra, not to mention the funding of UNITA in Angola and the Afghan “freedom fighters,’ including bin-Laden.10

The CIA funded the Muslim Brotherhood in 1977, and trained Mujahadin to support Gulbuddin Hekmatyar of the Brotherhood in Afghanistan. The  Muslim Brothers have served the CIA operationally for some 40 years, an arrangement rubber-stamped by Allen Dulles, Frank Wisner and Kermit Roosevelt.

Airline hijacker Mohammed Atta was ID’d as a Muslim Brother in the Wall Street Journal and New York Times shortly after the jet attacks on the World Trade Center. So were Khalid Shaik Mohammed and Ramzi Yousef, reportedly guided to a sacrificial pyre in the sky by Aman Zawahiri, Al Qeada’s second-in-command – also a co-conspirator, while operating under the aegis of the CIA, in the murder of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, and the 1993 WTC bomb plot.


1) Roland Jacquard, In the Name of Osama Bin Laden, Duke University Press, 2002, http://print.google.com/print/doc?isbn=0822329913   2) Bruce Campbell Adamson, letter to Congressman Sam Farr, September 15, 2001, http://www.mail-archive.com/ctrl@listserv.aol.com/msg96515.htm

33) Linda Minor, “Follow the Yellow Brick Road: From Harvard to Enron,” http://www.newsmakingnews.com/lm4,30,02,harvardtoenronpt4.htm

4) LB, e-mail exchange with author, October 2, 2004.

5) Martin J. Rivers, “A Wolf in Sheikh’s Clothing: Bush Business Deals with Nine Partners of bin Laden’s Banker,” geocities.com, March 15, 2004, www.globalresearch.ca/articles/MAR403A.html.

6) Anonymous, “Bandar bin Sultan, a CIA Agent,” House of Saud web site, http://www.geocities.com/saudhouse_p/irancont.htm.

7) LB.

8) Padam Ahlawat, “Journalists’ account of terrorism,” Chicago Tribune, May 5, 2002 – review of Unholy Wars. Afghanistan, America and International Terrorism, by John K. Cooley, Penguin.

9) Imad-ad-Dean Ahmad, review of Unholy Wars, Journal of Islam and Muslim-Christian Relations, Minaret of Freedom Institute, http://www.minaret.org/cooley.htm.

10) Dr Samir Rihan, “Arms or democracy, but not both,” http://www.globalcomplexity.org/Arms%20or%20Democracy.htm

11) Debbie Schlussel, “Bush’s Favorite Terrorist Buddy,” WorldNetDaily, October 1, 2001.

Mere hours before the world was introduced to Edward Snowden, more than 400 people, many of them from Hawaii’s intelligence community, gathered for a gala inside the hangar of the Pacific Aviation Museum Pearl Harbor at Ford Island.

Military personnel were dressed in cummerbunds, bow ties and decorated mess jackets. Civilians were equally as sharp, wearing tuxedos and “Aloha crisp,” a style identified by pressed aloha shirts and slacks.

The black tie affair was to celebrate the U.S.’s triumph during the Battle of Midway, a skirmish that was won in large part because of naval intelligence gathering and code breaking.

It was also to honor people like Snowden, who before he fled Hawaii and blew the whistle on secret National Security Agency surveillance operations, worked for the U.S. government combing through top secret data as a way to protect our borders and keep us safe from terrorists.

Snowden’s last U.S. employer, Booz Allen Hamilton, was a sponsor of the Battle of Midway ball. The billion-dollar defense contractor had given a last minute donation to make sure the nonprofit event would go on.

The Midway intelligence gala was inaugurated in 2012 in time for the battle’s 70th anniversary, and the keynote speaker was Mike McConnell, a former director of the NSA, and current Booz Allen Hamilton executive.

The fact that Honolulu was able to attract such a heavy hitter showcases the influence of the spy business in Hawaii.

Even before Snowden revealed himself as the man behind one of the most explosive leaks in U.S. history — thus turning a national spotlight on intelligence gathering in Hawaii and elsewhere — the islands had long been a focal point for intelligence gathering.

Those in intelligence don’t tend to talk about their day jobs, and tracking the dollars can be difficult even for those who have an official interest in the defense business.

But by all accounts the intelligence business is thriving in Hawaii, whether its with the NSA, the armed forces or any number of private contractors.

It’s all around us, yet largely hidden. And depending on who you talk to, that’s kind of the point.

An ‘Intelligence Hub’

Bob McDermott is the head of the Navy League of the United States, Honolulu Council, and is charged with putting on the annual Battle of Midway intelligence gala. Attendance is high, he said, because of the sheer number of people who work in intelligence in Hawaii. But even though he has a closer view than most into their world, he still finds himself at a distance.

“They’re here, but I never think about them much because they keep to themselves,” McDermott said. “The only time I deal with them is when I do this ball. But I don’t usually know who they are and they don’t tell me.”

This isn’t uncommon. Many people who work in intelligence deal with information that’s sensitive to national security. They don’t want to advertise what they know or do for fear of being targeted by someone who might want to get their hands on top secret data.

Jay Parasco is a former Army intelligence analyst and linguist who used to work at the Kunia Regional Security Operations Center near the Schofield Barracks in Wahiawa. This facility is also known as “The Tunnel.”

“Hawaii is a big intelligence hub,” Parasco said. “There’s a lot going on here that people aren’t aware of at all.”

Each branch of the military has its own intelligence arm, and there are government facilities dedicated solely to gathering, crunching and disseminating intelligence data, such as U.S. Pacific Command’s Joint Intelligence Operations Center at Pearl Harbor.

The NSA also recently upgraded its cryptologic operations in Hawaii. In 2012 it completed construction of a $358 million regional operation center. Prior to that the agency had been working out of a facility that was first built during World War II.

Parasco said the fact that Hawaii is home to one of these regional centers says a lot about the size of the intelligence community in Hawaii. The NSA also has satellite facilities in Texas and Georgia in addition to its Fort Meade, Maryland headquarters.

“Anytime you have one of the regional security operations centers, there’s going to be a big intelligence presence,” Parasco said. “You’re going to have representatives from all four branches of the military, NSA employees and civilian contractors, like Booz Allen Hamilton, both big and small.”

Big, Secret Business

A lot of federal money comes to Hawaii as a result of its logistical importance to the U.S. military and homeland security. The state is home to Pacific Command headquarters and plays an integral role in the U.S.’s “pivot” to East Asia.

Besides tourism, the Department of Defense is the largest economic driver in the island state. According to a 2011 study from the RAND Corp., the Department of Defense spent an average of $6.5 billion a year in Hawaii between 2007 and 2009, with nearly $4 billion of that going toward personnel.

But actually tracking how this money is spent, particularly when it comes to private contractors, is difficult.

The Chamber of Commerce of Hawaii sends lobbyists to Washington D.C. to get more military money funneled to the islands, but it does little to actually track the businesses that benefit from these funds.

The Hawaii Department of Business, Economic Development & Tourism on the other hand compiles how much the federal government spends on national defense contracts in its annual data book.

DBEDT used to break down contract awards into categories, such as ammunition, building supplies and petroleum, but due to budget cuts no longer has enough statisticians to do the work. Even when there were more bodies to track the data it was impossible to tell what money might have gone to private defense contractors who specialized in intelligence operations.

“We just can’t go into that kind of detail,” said Charlie Ota, vice president of military affairs at the Chamber of Commerce. “It’s very difficult and that’s why those guys at DBEDT, I’m sure they try their best, but they’re limited by the information and they’re limited by their staff so they can only do so much.”

The difficulty in finding this information isn’t unique. The Washington Post spent two years tracking government contracts as part of its investigative series “Top Secret America,” compiling an interactive database of the newspaper’s findings.

The opening line to the first story in that 2010 series by Dana Priest and William M. Arkin, “A hidden world, growing beyond control,” highlights the difficulties in tracking what the government spends on its intelligence gathering efforts.

“The top-secret world the government created in response to the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, has become so large, so unwieldy and so secretive that no one knows how much money it costs, how many people it employs, how many programs exist within it or exactly how many agencies do the same work.”

What the newspaper was able to determine was that there were nearly 2,000 companies helping the government with top secret work, and an estimated 854,000 people with top-secret security clearance.

Following the money is also made difficult by the fact that many companies, such as Booz Allen Hamilton, have several locations and satellite offices.

For example, government spending data shows that Booz Allen Hamilton has received nearly $73 million worth of contract work in Hawaii since 2001. But the company, which is headquartered in Virginia, could have received other contracts that included work for Hawaii even though the contract was associated with another office location.

What should be obvious is that contract work is lucrative. Other big name defense and intelligence contractors, such as Northrop Grumman and SAIC Inc., make millions of dollars working in Hawaii alone.

Honolulu cybersecurity company Referentia Systems Inc. — which is where accused Hawaii spy Benjamin Bishop worked before he was arrested in March — also rakes in a lot of money from defense contracts. According to government spending data, Referentia Systems has pulled in about $72 million in defense contracts for work in Hawaii since 2001.

A Growing Job Market

The growth in the intelligence community and the subsequent need to protect sensitive information hasn’t gone unnoticed in Hawaii.

Not only have people like Snowden and Bishop highlighted the fact that Hawaii is home to highly classified operations, but they also showed that there’s need for employees here who can do the work inside of top-secret facilities like the NSA and the Pacific Command Joint Intelligence Operations Center.

The University of Hawaii — West Oahu and Honolulu Community College are now teaming up to help fill this niche, offering an “information security and assurance” degree program that will include topics such as computer hacking, cyber defense and espionage.

Aaron Tanaka is a computer networking professor at HCC who will be teaching some of the courses associated with the new degree program. He said it’s a highly relevant skill set, particularly in Hawaii because of the large military presence, although he said students will also be able to get jobs at banks, hospitals and wherever else sensitive data needs to be protected.

“It’s growing in the country, and there’s a lot of money coming from the National Science Foundation to support these types of programs,” Tanaka said. “As a society we’re becoming more aware of how dependent we are on information, and because of that there are attacks coming from all different angles.”

Some of Tanaka’s former students are already getting jobs working in the military or for other organizations requiring top secret clearance. He knows this because when his students are getting vetted for positions he often gets interviewed.

“They flash a badge, so it’s all official,” he said. “They take it very seriously and it’s very thorough.”

Training kids in the art of computer espionage and cyber security isn’t something Tanaka takes lightly.

He makes all his students sign a waiver saying they can get expelled if they use what they’re taught inappropriately. There will also be discussions about ethics, he said.

“Information privacy is very important, so you can’t go onto a public system and start sniffing people’s traffic,” Tanaka said. “We’ll set up a private network for (the students) to play around on. They’re not just playing around on the internet.”


Death of a Whistleblower

Steven Carr joined the Reagan administration’s “secret” war against Nicaragua because he “wanted to fight the Sandinistas.” Too young to have served in Vietnam, he was hungry for adventure in an anti-communist crusade.

As Carr later admitted, he and four other mercenaries met in Miami in March 1985. From there he drove a truck loaded with weapons to the Fort Lauderdale Airport. The weapons — M-16 rifles, .50 caliber machine guns, and 66-mm mortars — came from storage facilities belonging to various Cuban exile groups. Some may have been pilfered from National Guard armories.

The recruits flew with the supplies to El Salvador, where, with official assistance, they transferred the shipment to another plane and went on to Costa Rica. There they found a Contra base coordinated from a ranch owned by John Hull, a US citizen who claimed to have CIA and National Security Council (NSC) connections.

Over the next month Carr participated in a raid on a small Nicaraguan town, as well as plans to bomb power lines. He heard about other schemes, including the assassination of enemies and staging attacks that could be blamed on the Sandinistas. These were supposed to provide a pretext for further US involvement, and ultimately an invasion.

To Carr, it looked like a sanctioned US operation. Hull talked often about his “buddies” in the NSC. When Carr went on a raid, Costa Rican Civil Guard troops accompanied the attacking force, he claimed. He also learned about cocaine shipments flowing through Hull’s ranch on their way to the US. For his various services, Hull claimed to be receiving regular $10,000 payments, which he ballooned by trading currency on the black market.

It seemed like a soldier of fortune’s dream come true.

But in April 1985, the Costa Rican government apparently turned sour on the “expeditionary” force, arresting Carr and his associates (not including Hull) for violating neutrality laws. The once gung-ho 27-year old, bitter about “being made the scapegoat for everybody else,” decided to talk. On videotape and later to US investigators, he spoke about moving weapons, assassination plots, and Contra assistance to drug smugglers. He recommended that others do the same.

In a letter to Jesus Garcia, another witness with details about the Contra network’s “dirty tricks,” Carr wrote about his plans: “I’ve put all my marbles in their (the investigators’) corner hoping to get to the truth of things and show how our ‘wonderful’ CIA are a bunch of assholes, liars, cheats and murderers. I’m an American all the way but I stop at killing other Americans for the sake of CIA war games.”

After his release by the Costa Ricans, Carr came home and began to cooperate with officials in Florida and congressional investigators. He also became paranoid — with good reason. The US administration wanted to discredit his testimony about the arms shipments and another plot, devised at the urging of Colombian drug lords. The traffickers had offered a $1 million reward to the Contra network in Costa Rica, he claimed, for the murder of Lewis Tambs, former ambassador to Colombia, who had been attempting to crack down on drug smuggling.

The pressure on Carr was intense. One of his companions, Peter Glibbery, still jailed in Costa Rica, had received a death threat from an employee of John Hull.

On December 17, 1986 Steven Carr was found dead near Los Angeles. Local authorities were quick to label it suicide. He apparently had stumbled to his car at 2:30 a.m., foaming at the mouth, and dropped dead in the driveway, probably from a cocaine overdose. Medical reports were inconclusive and a coroner’s toxicity report failed to resolve the mystery.

The Contra-Cocaine Connection

During a televised speech on March 16, 1986, President Reagan displayed a photograph taken in Nicaragua and claimed that it proved top Nicaraguan officials were involved in cocaine trafficking. As it turned out, there was no real evidence and the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) later issued a low-key “clarification.” But the smear was effective; it distracted attention from the ongoing investigation of Contra involvement in the drug trade.

Barry Seal, the only person who might have told the true story about the grainy picture of men loading a plane near Managua, was already dead. A DEA informant and pilot, Seal had been murdered on February 19 in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, reportedly on orders from the Colombian cocaine magnate who had arranged the shipments in association with the Contra network. One of the suspects, in federal custody on an unrelated charge, was Jose Coutin, a suspected drug dealer and Miami gunshop owner with links to John Hull’s ranch operations.

Seal’s story, and the Contra-cocaine connection, were subsequently the subject of several investigations. In a report by the International Center for Development Policy, directed by former US Ambassador to El Salvador Robert White, Seal emerged as a dangerous pawn who knew too much. For example, he knew that the Colombians were using Hull’s ranch as a shipping point.

He also knew that the famous incriminating photo had been taken on DEA orders, and that other US government figures were aware of the shipments. But when the White House leaked the story about the Sandinistas and drugs, along with the photo, Seal’s cover was blown. He’d taken the picture himself. The Colombians, according to White’s report, put a $2 million price on his head.

Dan Sheehan of the Christic Institute, an interfaith law and policy center that independently dug into the private arms network fueling the Contras, concluded that the Seal shipments were merely a small part of the network’s deal to transport cocaine in exchange for funds to purchase arms. In 1983, Sheehan revealed, several anti-Castro Cubans and Hull agreed to provide refueling and packaging services on the Costa Rican ranch in exchange for up to $25,000 per shipment from the Colombians.

”As amazing as it sounds,” Sheehan claimed later, “the conspiracy is continuing to bring in about one ton or 1000 kilos of cocaine to the US each week.” The street value of such a shipment was more than $25 million. Some of the profits, he added, were deposited in Miami and Central American banks and later withdrawn to purchase weapons.

The picture that emerged from these overlapping investigations was of an alliance stretching back years and providing smugglers with secure routes to the US in exchange for cash. According to Jesus Garcia, a former Dade County, Florida deputy sheriff who was part of the operation before he went to prison for illegal firearms possession, “It is common knowledge in Miami that this whole Contra operation in Costa Rica was paid for with cocaine. Everyone involved knows it. I actually saw the cocaine and weapons together under one roof, weapons that I helped ship to Costa Rica.”

The same charge was leveled in a civil complaint filed by journalists Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey. They alleged that the network was responsible for a bombing in Costa Rica in which Contra leader Eden Pastora and several journalists were injured. Avirgan was one of those wounded. Several others, including one US reporter, were killed.

Honey and Avirgan claimed that, in order to fund their operations, a deal had been struck between Hull, some Cuban-Americans, and Contra leaders hostile to Pastora, who refused to merge with other Contra forces. Drugs flowed freely through Costa Rica to various US points; profits paid for weapons from Florida, Israel and South Korea, according to the White Report. When Pastora remained uncooperative, the same group contracted with a Libyan professional assassin, Amac Galil, to eliminate him.

Citing White House sources, the New York Times reported on January 20, 1987 that the DEA had known since at least the previous fall that US flight crews carrying arms to the Contras were smuggling cocaine on return trips to the US. When told about the investigation one crew member reportedly warned that he was under the protection of Lt. Col. Oliver North.

”The Contra operation,” emphasized White’s report, “like all covert operations, breeds criminality, attracts criminals, and results in the cover up of criminal activity. The most profitable criminal activity today is narcotics. It is not surprising to find Contra and Contra-related figures using the opportunities provided by the operation to enrich themselves in the name of a cause nor to find the US officials responsible for the operation either condoning their actions or not taking active measures to stop them.”

Bush in the Loop

Various researchers and investigations have established that Vice President George Bush and his national security advisers maintained close ties with the secret air-re-supply operation in El Salvador. In October 1986, a week after the Nicaraguan government shot down a plane carrying supplies for the Contras, front page press reports announced that the operation led to both the CIA and Bush.

Resupply project Chief Felix Rodriguez met several times with Bush and a key aide, but the VP claimed they did not discuss Nicaragua. The trail also led to the vice president’s son Jeb Bush, who had “long acted as a liaison man with the fiercely pro-Contra, anti-Cuban and Nicaraguan settlers in Miami,” according to the Manchester Guardian.

Such stories soon vanished, however, and Bush, heir apparent to Reagan, was insulated from further probing questions for the next two years. Nevertheless, he was the one person who connected the CIA, NSA and the mercenary forces on the ground.

In 1984, when Congress cut off Contra aid, the administration privatized the war. Oliver North designed the plan, NSA chief Robert McFarlane approved it, and the President was briefed. The arrangement was summed up in a Miami Herald report: “The NSC recruited technical and logistical personnel retired from the CIA or the Army Special Forces to establish the network, and Bush’s staff concentrated on organizing Cuban exiles in Miami, many of them veterans of the CIA-organized Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961.” Assistant Secretary of State Elliot Abrams became “general strategist,” with CIA Director Bill Casey and North handling operations.

Elliott Abrams was deeply involved in Contra activities, coordinating between the Department of State, NSC and CIA. But this was only part of a larger inter-agency program masterminded by CIA Director Casey. The Defense Department planned airdrops over Nicaragua and provided troops to build the Contra infrastructure. A private aid network, including John Singlaub’s World Anti-Communist League, various non-profit fronts, mercenary groups and CAUSA, the political wing of the Moonies, provided cover for an operation that ultimately led back to the Oval office.

Rodriguez, both ex-CIA and a Bay of Pigs vet, coordinated the supply route from El Salvador after approaching an old CIA colleague, Donald Gregg, a Bush aide. With administration blessings, he established the Ilopango air base, which involved at least eight planes and hundreds of missions. But the cost was too high for the private organizations coordinated by Gen. John Singlaub, head of the World Anti-Communist League.

In 1985, after Honduras decided to hold up Contra supplies, Rodriguez met with Bush. Soon after their talk the Contra flights through Ilopango increased, according to witnesses and press reports. It was illegal to supply weapons, yet Rodriguez was able to maintain a direct line with both the US embassy and Don Gregg at the White House. The money, it turns out, was coming from Washington via Israel, Iran and a Swiss bank.

Money also came from Saudi Arabia as part of a kickback for the sale of AWACs. According to the New York Times, the point man for this was Richard Secord, a retired Air Force general and Pentagon official who eventually led what became known as the Secret Team.

Secord used money from Iran arms sales and other sources to acquire weapons and channel them to Central America, South Africa, and Angola. The team and the aid network worked with both the Ilopango airlift in El Salvador and the South Front, coordinated from Hull’s ranch. Drugs and guns moved back and forth. One beneficiary was the Nicaraguan Democratic Force, led by Adolfo Calero and former Somocistas.

Over 80 people, in and out of the US government, actively worked in this covert network, with additional financial support from Saudi Arabia and Brunei. President Reagan was aware of and approved most phases of this covert foreign policy.

Private Agents of Chaos

This was only one episode in a longer, even more convoluted tale. An earlier “Contra” war was mounted against Cuba under the direction of Richard Nixon, then vice president, beginning in the late 50s.

With the cooperation of Mafia don Santo Trafficante, a private “sub-operation” was developed to assassinate Cuban leaders. Members of the “shooter team” included Rafael “Chi Chi” Quintero, who later coordinated arms shipments to the Contras with Secord; Rodriguez, a CIA operative who headed the Ilopango operation and met with Bush; and several of the future Watergate burglers. The Cuban operation was supervised by Secord associates Theodore Shackley and Thomas Clines.

Secord was a key figure in both the Iran and Contra operations. Years before he had flown missions with another Major General, Singlaub, and, as a Pentagon official, embezzled millions while overseeing arms sales. One of his business partners was Shackley, who had been engaged in secret wars since the early 60s, becoming deputy director of covert operations during George Bush’s tenure as CIA chief. Clines, another ex-CIA man and a major Contra arms supplier, eventually pleaded guilty to overcharging the Pentagon in 1984.

The same group had directed CIA secret wars in Southeast Asia between 1965 and 1975. In Laos they backed up Vang Pao, a major opium trafficker. Drug money was used to train Hmong tribesmen in guerrilla war, resulting in the assassination of 100,000 non-combatant “communist sympathizers” in Laos, Cambodia and Thailand. Shackley and Clines also directed the Phoenix Program in South Vietnam, an effort resulting in the murder of 60,000 Vietnamese civilians. That operation was financed by Vang Pao heroin sold in the US by Trafficante.

During the early 1970s, they were active in Chile, directing the CIA’s “Track II” project to overthrow the Allende government. In 1984, members of the Team recruited Amac Galil through the Chilean military to execute the bombing of Pastora’s press conference.

After Vietnam, the Team moved on to Teheran to conduct private, non-CIA activities like helping the Shah’s secret police to identify and assassinate his opponents. Beginning in the mid-70s, Secord, who had become an Assistant Secretary of Defense, supervised the sale of US weapons to Middle East nations. Using middleman Albert Hakim, an Iranian-born US citizen, he purchased weapons at the manufacturer’s cost and sold them to countries at a profit, illegally depositing the proceeds into private Team bank accounts. The same practice was used later during the arms sales to Iran. The Secret Team’s activities stretched around the world. In Australia, they used opium money and weapons profits to help destabilize the Labour government in 1975. In Nicaragua, they assisted Somoza after Carter and Congress stopped further aid; after the dictator’s fall, they armed and advised ex-National Guardsmen until the CIA assumed control of the Contra war.

When Congress cut off aid in 1984, Oliver North, who had worked under Singlaub in Laos, reached out to the Team to illegally recommence funding and re-supply the Contras. During the 1980s operations in Central America, they established major supply bases in Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala and Costa Rica. In the meantime, CIA Director Casey developed other Contra operations in Africa. In return for South African assistance in ferrying arms to Central America, for example, he arranged with Saudi Arabian King Fahd to provide aid to the South African-backed UNITA rebels fighting the Angolan government.Exposing the Team

Before his death, Steven Carr told an aide to Senator John Kerry that he had loaded an arms shipment bound for Costa Rica in broad daylight at the Fort Lauderdale airport. The weapons went to an Air Force base in El Salvador, where military personnel unloaded the plane. In an interview taped after his arrest, he argued that without CIA knowledge “it’s improbable that a private charter plane could land at an Air Force base. It’s not like we were going on vacation.”

In a video report, “The Costa Rica Connection,” Carr and his British associate, Peter Glibbery, alleged their covert work had the full support of Costa Rican officials at first. They said John Hull presented himself as the chief CIA and NSC liaison for the operations. Glibbery claimed to have seen Hull with Robert Owen on the ranch when arms were arriving. Owen, a retired military officer and representative of a Nicaraguan “humanitarian” aid group, was North’s contact with the Contra network.

Predictably, the State Department denied any knowledge of Contra involvement in cocaine deals, and the US Customs Service claimed to know nothing about arms shipments leaving Florida without official clearance. The evidence, however, indicated that the weapons and the drugs did get delivered, and the same network was involved in both operations.

Avrigan and Honey exposed the private network behind much of this mayhem long before the Tower Commission and Iran-Contra Committee launched their investigations. Working with the Christic Institute, they eventually filed a lawsuit charging 29 US citizens with conspiracy. The specific instance spurring the suit was the bombing of Pastora’s press conference.

The Secret Team, which helped make that attempted assassination possible, had roots stretching back decades. Including figures such as Secord, Clines, Shackley and an assortment of Cuban exiles and ex-military men, this private military network had long been handling sensitive, often illegal operations at the behest of the US government. In fact, it was an instrument of US policy from the early days of Castro (when some members helped plot the leader’s death), in Laos and Vietnam, in the overthrow of Salvadore Allende in Chile, in propping up the Shah of Iran, and throughout Central America.

After releasing their findings, the journalists were sued for libel in Costa Rica by Hull, the CIA contract agent named in the case. They won. But afterward they were the targets of a police raid, and one of their lawyers was arrested for accepting a package at the post office.

Police claimed the package contained cocaine from a “T. Borge,” a desperate attempt to perpetuate the stale disinformation campaign connecting Sandinista officials such as Tomas Borge with drug smuggling. In reality, the evidence says that the so-called Southern Front, run in the 1980s by John Hull, Oliver North, head Contra Adolfo Calero and Cuban exiles — and sanctioned at the highest levels of the US government — was for a while a major shipping point for Colombian cocaine headed to US cities.

Greg Guma’s forthcoming novel Dons of Time, to be released by Fomite Press in October, explores the danger of privatized national security and the surveillance state.


17 July 2013

Nixon Library Opens Restricted Files

[Federal Register Volume 78, Number 137 (Wednesday, July 17, 2013)]
[Pages 42805-42807]
From the Federal Register Online via the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[FR Doc No: 2013-17136]




Nixon Presidential Historical Materials: Opening of Materials

AGENCY: National Archives and Records Administration.

[[Page 42806]]

ACTION: Notice of Opening of Additional Nixon Materials.


SUMMARY: This notice announces the opening of additional Nixon 
Presidential Historical Materials by the Richard Nixon Presidential 
Library and Museum, a division of the National Archives and Records 
Administration. Notice is hereby given that, in accordance with Sec.  
104 of Title I of the Presidential Recordings and Materials 
Preservation Act (PRMPA, 44 U.S.C. Sec.  2111 note) and Sec.  
1275.42(b) of the PRMPA Regulations implementing the Act (36 CFR Part 
1275), the Agency has identified, inventoried, and prepared for public 
access approximately 340 hours of Nixon White House tape recordings and 
additional textual materials with certain information redacted as 
required by law, including the PRMPA.

DATES: The Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum intends to 
make the materials described in this notice available to the public on 
August 21, 2013, at the Richard Nixon Library and Museum in Yorba 
Linda, CA, beginning at 9:30 a.m. PDT/12:30 p.m. EDT. In accordance 
with 36 CFR 1275.44, any person who believes it necessary to file a 
claim of legal right or privilege concerning access to these materials 
must notify the Archivist of the United States in writing of the 
claimed right, privilege, or defense within 30 days of the publication 
of this notice in the Federal Register.

ADDRESSES: The Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum is located 
at 18001 Yorba Linda Blvd., Yorba Linda, CA. Researchers must have a 
NARA researcher card, which they may obtain when they arrive at the 
Library. All of the tapes and selections from the additional materials 
will be available at www.nixonlibrary.gov. Petitions asserting a legal 
or constitutional right or privilege that would prevent or limit public 
access to the materials must be sent to the Archivist of the United 
States, National Archives at College Park, 8601 Adelphi Rd., College 
Park, Maryland 20740-6001.

FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: Gregory Cumming, Richard Nixon 
Presidential Library and Museum, 714-983-9131.

SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: The following materials will be made 
available in accordance with this notice:
    1. NARA's Nixon Library is proposing to open approximately 2905 
conversations which were recorded between April 9 and July 12, 1973. 
These conversations total approximately 340 hours of listening time 
(338 h 47 m of tape opened and 342 h 13 m of tape reviewed). This is 
the fifteenth opening of Nixon White House tapes since 1980. There are 
no transcripts for these tapes. Tape subject logs, prepared by the 
Nixon Library, are offered for public access as a finding aid to the 
tape segments and a guide for the listener. There is a separate tape 
log entry for each conversation. Each tape log entry includes the names 
of participants; date and inclusive times of each conversation; 
location of the conversation; and an outline of the content of the 
conversation. Listening stations will be available on a first come, 
first served basis at the Library in Yorba Linda. The newly released 
tapes will also be available on August 21, 2013 on the Web at http://www.nixonlibrary.gov at 9:30 a.m. PDT/12:30 p.m. EDT. The Nixon Library 
reserves the right to limit listening time in response to heavy demand.
    2. Previously restricted textual materials. Volume: 31 cubic feet. 
A number of textual materials previously withheld from public access 
have been reviewed for release and/or declassified under the systematic 
declassification review provisions and under the mandatory review 
provisions of Executive Order 13526, the Freedom of Information Act (5 
U.S.C. Sec.  552), or in accordance with 36 CFR 1275.56 (Public Access 
regulations). The materials are from integral file segments for the 
National Security Council (NSC Files and NSC Institutional Files); 
along with the White House Special Files; White House Central Files; 
The President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board file; and RG87 and 
    3. White House Central Files, Staff Member and Office Files. 
Volume: 72.5 cubic feet. The White House Central Files Unit was a 
permanent organization within the White House complex that maintained a 
central filing and retrieval system for the records of the President 
and his staff. The Staff Member and Office Files consist of materials 
that were transferred to the Central Files but were not incorporated 
into the Subject Files. The following file groups will be made 
available: Franklin, Barbara and Price, John.
    4. White House Central Files, Oversize Attachment Files. Volume: 
0.25 cubic foot. The White House Central Files Unit was a permanent 
organization within the White House complex that maintained a central 
filing and retrieval system for the records of the President and his 
staff. The Oversize Attachment Files were a means of filing and 
organizing materials that were too bulky or odd-sized to be placed in a 
file folder. Listed is the oversize attachment from the White House 
Central Files, Oversize Attachment Files in the opening: OA (5720)
    5. White House Central Files, Name Files: Volume: 4 cubic feet. The 
Name Files were used for routine materials filed alphabetically by the 
name of the correspondent; copies of documents in the Name Files were 
usually filed by subject in the Subject Files. The following Name Files 
folders will be made available:

Abbott, H-J
Abbott, John Hancock
Abbott, K-R
Abbott, Richard
Abbott, Robert
Abbott, Robert B.
Abbott, Roberta
Abbott, S-Z
Abel, A-E
Alexander, H
Alexander, Henry
Bank, A-H
Berlin, Richard E.
Butts, U-Z
Champion, D-G
Chase, M
Clausen, L-Z
Cook, Donald
Finch, Robert H
First National City Bank of NY
Gates, T
Hampton, Lionel
Irving, T
McCall, H
McCloy, John J.
McCrea, Q-Z
McNeill, F-K
McNeill, L-R
Meyer, John
Morgan, Gr
Moore, George S-Z
Moore, George
Murphy, George
Petersen, W
Peterson, Ru
Peterson, Ra
Regan, A-E
Rockefeller, David
Shriver, Sargent
Shultz, George P.
Smathers George A. (Sen)

[[Page 42807]]


    Dated: June 28, 2013.
David S. Ferriero,
Archivist of the United States.
[FR Doc. 2013-17136 Filed 7-16-13; 8:45 am]