June 4, 2012 - The Constantine Report    
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading

Obit.: Adolfo Calero, Ex-Coca-Cola Executive Tied to Iran-Contra Scandal

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Los Angeles Times

MEXICO CITY — Adolfo Calero, a former Coca-Cola executive who led the largest anti-Sandinista Contra rebel force in 1980s Nicaragua and served as one of its most articulate lobbyists in Washington, has died. He was 80.

Calero died Saturday night in the Nicaraguan capital, Managua, of complications from lung disease, an aide told local media.

Calero’s career mirrored the tumultuous history of Nicaragua as it emerged from a sleepy Central American backwater to the center of the Cold War struggle. He opposed one right-wing dictatorship, then opposed the leftist rebel movement that replaced it, serving as civilian commander of the U.S.-backed Contra rebels. And thanks to his close ties to the Reagan administration, he eventually got caught up in one of the darkest chapters of U.S. foreign policy, the Iran-Contra scandal.

In his final years, Calero told interviewers that he ultimately felt betrayed by his American friends, and unrepentant of his role in a bloody and largely unsuccessful mission.

“I concluded (during peace talks that began in 1988) … there was not going to be a happy ending, because when we had the strength to defeat this regime,” the U.S. Congress turned its back “on us,” he said in an interview with the Managua newspaper El Nuevo Diario in 2009.

He was alluding to a decision by Congress to discontinue aid to the Contras.

“If it hadn’t been for the Contras, who knows what would have happened here,” he said. “The barrier that stopped the expansion (of the Sandinista movement) was the Contra.”

The Sandinista government did fall, to a democratic vote, several years later, although its leader at the time, Daniel Ortega, returned to the presidency in 2007 and was re-elected last year.

Calero was born in December 1931 in Managua to a well-known Nicaraguan writer. He became a successful businessman, managing the Coca-Cola bottling plant in Managua, and a prominent member of Nicaragua’s Conservative Party.

He also formed part of the civilian movement to rid the impoverished country of the dictatorial Somoza dynasty that ruled Nicaragua through much of the first half of the 20th century. He was a friend and tennis partner of legendary newspaper editor Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, whose assassination by Somoza forces galvanized the movement.

And Calero was friendly with Anastasio Somoza – but also kept close tabs on the changing mood in Washington as the government of President Jimmy Carter took office, ending U.S. support for the dictator.

In 1979, Somoza was toppled and replaced by guerrillas of the Sandinista National Liberation Front. Calero soon fell out of sorts with them, saying later he had hoped for a democratic transition after the Somoza overthrow.

In late 1982, Calero abandoned Nicaragua in self-imposed exile as the Sandinistas were confiscating his home and other property. By 1983 he declared his leadership of the Nicaraguan Democratic Force, a Contra rebel group formed and financed by the CIA. He was considered one of the more hard-line members of the force and at times clashed with other leaders as well as his American backers.

“My idea would be to take the nine comandantes, plus the next nine down, and the next and the next, about 60 people or so of the Sandinista power structure, bind them up and put them on an airplane and drop them off in Havana,” Calero told writer Shirley Christian in 1983, as recounted in her book “Nicaragua: Revolution in the Family.” “That would solve our problems. … That is what I want.”

The war would, of course, turn out to be much less surgical and cost thousands of lives. The U.S. involvement in attempting to overthrow the Sandinistas also led to a secret and illegal operation in which U.S. agents sold weapons to Iran and gave some of the money to the Contras.

Calero worked closely with fired White House aide Oliver North, one of the major Iran-Contra figures who worked to raise millions of dollars for the Contras after Congress cut off aid. At one point, Calero gave some of the money back to North, in the form of unsigned traveler’s checks, after North said he needed to fund other Contra operations and buy the freedom of American hostages in Lebanon.

“I reacted immediately, saying that Nicaraguan hostages of the Sandinistas (and) American hostages of these groups in Lebanon were one and the same, and that I would be happy to help in their liberation,” Calero testified to Congress in 1987 hearings on Iran-Contra. “I felt deeply for those poor people who had been kidnapped.”

Calero returned to Nicaragua to live in the early 1990s, after the Sandinistas left office.

He is survived by his wife, a daughter and grandchildren.


From: The Union of Concerned Scientists

Public affairs officials at federal agencies traditionally choose which research results to highlight in official press releases based on whether the research is scientifically significant or of interest to the general public. However, in recent years officials at NASA and NOAA have held back from publicizing significant research in the field of climate change science to avoid highlighting research that contradicts the administration’s policies.1

At NOAA and the Department of Commerce, a flow chart obtained through a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) details the extremely complicated process by which a press release is submitted, reviewed, and approved—or not—by several layers of bureaucracy. The chart makes clear how each press release must pass review by several entities that primarily serve political and public relations functions. Scientists do not decide which research ultimately receives an official press release, nor do they have a final review to ensure scientific accuracy of the release.

One NOAA scientist recalls attempting in 2001 to raise media attention for a published paper that determined, from a comparison of climate models and empirical data, the influence of human activities on the warming of Earth’s oceans. At first, the scientist said, there was going to be a media advisory and press conference to highlight the important findings, but it “kept getting degraded until it was canceled.” The scientist contrasted this experience under the Bush administration with work done on a “heat index” in the late 1990s, when then-Vice President Al Gore, on behalf of the Clinton administration, actively helped to publicize the results.2

Another NOAA scientist, Dr. Richard Wetherald, encountered similar difficulties publicizing scientific findings. The following excerpts are from a September 26, 2002, email conversation between NOAA public affairs staffer Jana Goldman and Wetherald, a research meteorologist at NOAA’s Geophysical Fluid Dynamics Laboratory (GFDL). The conversation, obtained through a FOIA request, refers to an article Wetherald co-authored on a study of how the world’s water cycles will change with global warming.

Wetherald: “…I have not bothered to write a draft NOAA press release since the last time it was turned down by the Dept. of Commerce. Apparently at that time, greenhouse or global warming papers were considered to be the literary equivalent of ‘persona non grata’ by the current administration. I assume that this is still the case? I don’t want to waste both of our times if it is. Anyway, here is the summary for your information. Please let me know if this policy has changed…”

Goldman: “…What I think I may do is pass the abstract along downtown and see what they think. I agree with you, the attitude seems to have changed regarding climate change, but let’s also avoid doing unnecessary work if it’s not going to go anywhere…”

Wetherald: “…That sounds like a sensible idea. If by some miracle, you can use it as a NOAA press release, this would be fine as long as it contains the basic conclusions in the summary that I sent. I will certainly help out if it comes to that…”

Goldman: “…I sent the abstract down to see if it would fly — if so, we would have to draft a release, but at least we would know that it would go through and our work would not be in vain…”3

The New Jersey Star-Ledger reported that Wetherald has had three proposed press releases rejected—beginning with an early 2001 publication regarding “committed warming and its implications” in the prestigious peer-reviewed journal Geophysical Research Letters. He was told that his most recent 2004 press release, accompanying the publication of another global warming paper, was rejected by officials at the Department of Commerce. “Obviously, the papers had a message, and it was not what they wanted it to be,” Dr. Wetherald stated in the Star-Ledger article. “A decision was made at a high level not to let it out.”4

Scientists at agencies other than NOAA also encountered difficulties with press release approval. Dr. Christopher Milly, a United States Geological Survey (USGS) research hydrologist who studies the interaction of climate with the global water cycle, reported two incidents of interference with press releases. The first case was in 2002 when a USGS press officer indicated that the subject matter of a press release (the increased risk of extreme flooding due to global warming) was considered “sensitive” and could cause problems at the White House. The Department of the Interior (USGS’ parent agency) declined to issue the release, arguing that one would probably be released by Nature, the journal that published the research paper on this subject. In fact, while Nature did issue a release, its decision to do so only occurred after the Department of the Interior refused to do so.

The second case reported by Milly was in November 2005, when a press release on the impact of climate change in water supply modeling went out only after a public affairs officer altered the text, without Milly’s knowledge, and removed words such as “global warming,” leaving the scientific content intact but possibly lowering its visibility. Milly did not know what officials made the ultimate decisions, but said that others told him that personnel in the USGS public affairs department considered climate change and energy to be “hot-button” issues for the Bush administration, and that reference to such sensitive issues, outside of scientific papers, are thus handled and edited “with care.”5

A NASA scientist spoke of a press release written by a public affairs officer (PAO) that was ready to be posted to the NASA website. However, when the press release, which was about research into the impact of climate-related flooding on agriculture, was sent for a higher level of review, it was rejected without explanation. The scientist, believing the results to be significant, had to ask high-level colleagues to lobby to get the release approved.6

In mid-September 2004, Dr. Drew Shindell, an ozone specialist and NASA climatologist, submitted a press release to the Goddard Space Flight Center public affairs office to announce the publication of a paper on climate change in Antarctica. Shindell and the PAO together suggested the title “Cool Antarctica may warm rapidly this century, study finds.” NASA headquarters, on reviewing the draft, asked that the title be “softened.” Headquarters also rejected the next suggestion that Dr. Shindell and the PAO offered—“NASA Scientists expect temperature flip-flop at the Antarctic”—and instead, over Shindell’s objections, titled it “Scientists predict Antarctic climate changes.” Not surprisingly, Shindell commented, the press release generated relatively little media interest.7 When Shindell inquired about the delays and alterations to the release, press officers responded that releases were being delayed because two political appointees and the White House were now reviewing all climate related press releases.8

In testimony at a 2007 House Oversight Committee hearing on Political Influence on Government Climate Change Scientists, Shindell testified that political control of press releases robs policymakers of information needed to make informed decisions. Shindell testified that “these restrictions were not imposed on our NASA colleagues in Space Science, or even those in areas of Earth Science other than climate change…Suppression of results demonstrating ever-increasing scientific knowledge of the principles underlying global warming, of the data demonstrating its rapidity and its consequences, and exaggeration of the remaining scientific uncertainties, certainly gave the appearance that scientific evidence that could undermine a rationale for inaction on climate change was being targeted.”9


1. This page contains material excerpted from the 2007 report Atmosphere of Pressure by the Union of Concerned Scientists and the Government Accountability Project.

2. Anonymous NOAA scientist. 2006. Interview with Tarek Maassarani, April 13. Name withheld upon request.

3. Goldman, J. 2002. AGU Journal Highlight. Email to Richard Wetherald, research meteorologist at NOAA’s Geophysical Fluid Dynamics Laboratory, September 26. Jana Goldman is a public affairs officer at NOAA. Received via FOIA request on August 9, 2006.

4. MacPherson, K. 2006. Tempest brews in weather think tank. Star-Ledger (Newark, NJ), October 1.

5. Milly, C. 2006. Interview with Tarek Maassarani, May 5. Christopher Milly is a research scientist with the U.S. Geological Survey.

6. Anonymous NASA scientist. 2006. Interview with Jennifer Freeman, June 27. Name withheld upon request.

7. Shindell, D. 2006. Email interview with Tarek Maassarani, May 31. Drew Shindell is a research scientist at NASA’s Goddard Institute for Space Studies (GISS).

8. Shindell, D. 2007. Testimony at House Oversight and Government Reform Committee hearing on Political Influence on Government Climate Change Scientists, January 30. Accessed March 9, 2007.

9. Ibid.


By Eyder Peralta

Northwest Public Radio, May 24, 2012

The co-owner of a propaganda firm that received about $120 million in Pentagon contracts since 2009 has admitted to running a misinformation campaign against USA Today journalists.

Leonie Industries put out a statement today saying the campaign was run by Camille Chidiac, who owns 49 percent of the company, using “non-Leonie funds to participate in the online activity.”

“This was the act of an individual, not the company,” the statement reads. “Leonie was not aware of and did not authorize Mr. Chidiac’s online activity concerning the reporters.”

The misinformation campaign stems from articles the paper ran in February that exposed criticism for the millions of dollars spent on “poorly tracked marketing and propaganda campaigns” in Iraq and Afghanistan.

USA Today reports that in his campaign against the reporters, Chidiac created “fan sites” with #s matching the names of the reporter and editor who worked on the stories and then filled those sites with content that criticized the journalist’s past reporting. One expert quoted by the paper called it a “sophisticated reputation attack.”

Today, Chidiac came clean telling USA Today, “I recognize and deeply regret that my actions have caused concerns for Leonie and the U.S. military. This was never my intention. As an immediate corrective action, I am in the process of completely divesting my remaining minority ownership from Leonie.”

Of course the bigger question here is whether the U.S. government or its contractors had turned its propaganda machine on American citizens. (The Smith-Mundt Act of 1948 severely limits the propaganda the U.S. can use nationally.) Leonie tried to distance itself from Chidiac. In its statement, Leonie said Chidac has stepped down in 2008 as president of the company. But USA Today points out that Chidiac “has continued to represent Leonie at various conferences…”

The Pentagon told the paper that it was “deeply disappointed to read this disclosure from Leonie Industries,” adding that “smear campaigns — online or anywhere else — are intolerable, and we reject this kind of behavior…”


Profile from Camille Chidiac’s Website:

Media Background

In 1995, Camille Chidiac started his career working in media production departments for television and film studios in Hollywood, CA. Some of Camille Chidiac’s credits include work as a commercial radio and tv producer, a music video producer and director, an executive producer, stage manager and first assistant director with over 35 feature film and television credits to his name. Chidiac got his early film production experience at the same independent studio that launched the careers of Martin Scorsese, Ron Howard, James Cameron, Curtis Hanson, and Francis Ford Coppola.

Some of the companies Camille Chidiac has worked for include Warner Brothers, 20th Century Fox, MTV Networks, Vh-1 Networks, HBO Films, Miramax, Turner Network, BMG music, Island/Def Jam and Capitol Records.


From the Imdb Website:

Second Unit Director or Assistant Director (22 titles)

2002 Black Friday (first assistant director)

200 1 Instinct to Kil l (first assistant director)

2001 Black Scorpion (TV series) (first assistant director: second unit – 2 episodes)

Fire and Brimstone (2001) (first assistant director: second unit –  as Camille C. Chidiec)
Home Sweet Homeless (2001) (first assistant director: second unit –  as Camille C. Chidiac)

2000 Submerged (additional first assistant director)

2000 Cement (additional first assistant director)

2000 The Stray (first assistant director: second unit)

2000 Love Her Madly (first assistant director: second unit)

1999 From Dusk Till Dawn 3: The Hangman’s Daughter (video) (first assistant director: blue screen unit –  as Camille C. Chidiac)

1999 Dirt Merchant (first assistant director)

1999 Hitman’s Run (first assistant director: second unit)

1999 Jimmy Zip (first assistant director

1999 Active Stealth (video) (first assistant director)

1997-1999 L.A. Heat (TV series) (second unit first assistant director – 20 episodes, 1997-1999) (first assistant director – 8 episodes, 1997-1999)

Legacy of a Buffalo Soldier (1999) (first assistant director)
Cop Killer (1999) (second unit first assistant director)
Danny the Eel (1999) (second unit first assistant director)
Bad Reputation (1999) (second unit first assistant director – as Camille C. Chidiac)
In Harm’s Way (1999) (first assistant director)

1999 Last Chance (first assistant director)

1998/II Black Thunder (first assistant director – as Camille C. Chidiac)

1998 Recoil (first assistant director)

1998 Running Woman (first assistant director: second unit –  as Camille C. Chidiac

1997 The Underground (first assistant director: second unit)

1997 Executive Target (first assistant director: second unit)

1997 Little Bigfoot (second second assistant director)

1997 My Ghost Dog (TV movie) (first assistant director)

1996 Pure Danger (video) (second assistant director: second unit, second second assistant director)

2001 Celebrity Undercover (TV series) (stage manager – 4 episodes)

Incubus (2001) (stage manager)
Green Day (2001) (stage manager)
Charisma Carpenter (2001) (stage manager)
Tara Reid (stage manager)

1997 L.A. Heat (TV series) (production coordinator – 2 episodes)

Too Young to Die (1997) (production coordinator)
Daybomber (1997) (production coordinator)

1996 The Sweeper (video) (production assistant)

1996 Skyscraper (video) (production assistant)

2010 The Road to Nkunda (documentary) (co-producer)

1997 True Vengeance (video) (grip)

2010 Norman (special thanks)

Personal Details

Alternate Names:

Camille C. Chidiac | Camille C. Chidiec

Did You Know?


Camille is the 7th great-grandson of General John Sevier, the first Governor of Tennessee