July 6, 2010 - The Constantine Report    
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading

Prince Alwaleed to Launch New TV News Network in Partnership with Fox

This is a modified py-6 that occupies the entire horizontal space of its parent.

The Associated Press

RIYADH, Saudi Arabia — The Kingdom Holding company, headed by Saudi billionaire Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, says it plans to launch a new Arabic television news channel in partnership with the Fox network.

In a statement Tuesday, Prince Alwaleed says the 24-hour broadcast channel “will be an addition and alternative” to Al-Arabiya and Al-Jazeera.

He named veteran Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi chief of the new network.

He did not say when the network would begin broadcasting.

Alwaleed was ranked last year by Forbes as the world’s 19th wealthiest person. He also owns the Arabic media giant Rotana Group.

In February, Fox said it was becoming a partner with Rotana by taking over 9.1 per cent of its shares.


Simon Hadlington

Chemistry World | 27 June 2010

In an experiment reminiscent of the mind-control rays that featured prominently in B-movies from the 1950s, scientists in the US have used a magnetic field to alter the behaviour of an animal.

The researchers, from University at Buffalo in New York, implanted nanoscale particles of manganese ferrite into the body of the nematode worm Caenorhabditis elegans. When the particles were exposed to a radiofrequency magnetic field the particles heated up and the worms changed the direction in which they were moving. By switching the field on and off, the researchers were able to make the worms move back and forth.

Temperature-sensitive fluorescent tags attached to the particles were able to measure the temperature of the nanoparticles, showing that the worms’ behaviour changed when the particles reached 34°C – the same temperature at which the animals show heat-avoidance behaviour in nature.

The researchers also attached the nanoparticles to proteins in the membranes of cultured nerve cells by genetically modifying the proteins to bind to the particles. The membranes contain a temperature-sensitive ion channel – a biological ‘gate’ that can open and close to allow ions to flow across the membrane – which was activated when the nanoparticles were warmed by the magnetic field. This in turn triggered electrical activity in the nerve cells.

Our method is important because it allows us to only heat up the cell membrane,’ says Arnd Pralle, who led the research team. ‘We didn’t want to kill the cell: while the membrane outside the cell heats up, there is no temperature change in the cell.’

The highly localised heating that the nanoparticles permit could lead to a number of applications, such as targeting cancer cells, the researchers say. It could also be possible to investigate the effect of local temperature rises on other specific parts of cells and on whole organisms by attaching molecules to the surface of the nanoparticle that home in on specific cellular targets.

Commenting on the work, Jon Dobson from Keele University in the UK, an expert on the use of nanomagnetic particles in biomedicine, says, ‘This is an interesting study that adds to the growing cannon of work aimed at remote activation of cellular ion channels using magnetic nanoparticles and applied magnetic fields.’ One of the main advantages of this type of approach is that the actuator – the field – does not have to be in physical contact with the target, says Dobson. ‘This is a nice example of combining genetic modification with nanomagnetic actuation and demonstrates the possibility of targeting and activating individual, genetically modified cells within a larger cell culture or organism.’


Michael Jackson: Moonies Want Millions from His Parents

 By Roger Friedman

Showbiz 411 | June 28th, 2010

As usual, everyone has this wrong.Michael Jackson’s parents have been sued once again by a newspaper called the Segye Times in South Korea.

But the Segye Times is a front for Reverend Moon’s Unification Church. The church owns the paper, just the way they did the Washington Times.

This financial back and forth between the Moonies and the Jacksons has been going on since 1990. The Jacksons had not toured since the Victory Tour ended in 1984. Here’s what happened:

The Moonies wanted to underwrite a Jacksons tour of South Korea with Michael. According to sources, they contacted Joseph and Katherine Jackson and members of the Jackson family. They gave them all gifts and cash, ranging from Rolex watches to luxury cars. At one point, the group’s representative went to Frank DiLeo, Michael’s manager and brought two casher’s checks for $500,000 apiece. DiLeo refused to accept the money. He said, “If Michael wants to tour South Korea, we’ll call you.”

The truth was, DiLeo and Jackson did not want to be involved with the Unification Church.

The Moonies meantime made a deal with Joseph Jackson and the ever astute Jermaine for the tour. When it didn’t materialize, they sued for their money and gifts to be returned.

In the lawsuit, the Moonies claimed they were out $5.5 million. To avoid losing their Encino home, the Jacksons transferred ownership to Michael. (That’s the short version. The long version, including the parents suing LaToya, is too hard to explain here.)

Michael Jackson settled with the Moonies in 1992. But his parents were separate defendants, as was a concert promoter named Kenneth Choi. They never showed up for trial. In 1994, a trial judgment was filed against them totaling $4 million. In 1996, the Moonies filed to take possession of the home. That’s when they transferred it to Michael.

Since then, the Moonies have just waited. And with interest, they say they’re up to $13 million.

This is interesting: according to sources, because of this judgment, neither Katherine or Joseph Jackson uses credit cards or can get credit. “Everything they do is in cash,” the source says. The judgment was reportedly part of the Jacksons’ 1999 bankruptcy filing for $24 million.

Now, of course, with Michael’s estate being the subject of so much press–and proclamations of earning so much recently–the Moonies are back to get their dough.

Really, you can’t make this stuff up.


McClatchy Newspapers | June 27, 2010

The security contractor Blackwater Worldwide tried for two years to secure lucrative defense business in Southern Sudan while the country was under U.S. economic sanctions, according to current and former U.S. officials and hundreds of pages of documents reviewed by McClatchy.

The effort to drum up new business in East Africa by Blackwater owner Erik Prince, a former Navy SEAL who had close ties with top officials in the George W. Bush White House and the CIA, became a major element in a continuing four-year federal investigation into allegations of sanctions violations, illegal exports and bribery.

The Obama administration, however, has decided for now not to bring criminal charges against Blackwater, according to a U.S. official close to the case.

Instead, the U.S. government and the private military contractor are negotiating a multimillion-dollar fine to settle allegations that Blackwater violated U.S. export control regulations in Sudan, Iraq and elsewhere. Prince renamed the company Xe Services in an apparent attempt to shake off a reputation for recklessness, and this month put it up for sale.

Had the company been indicted, it could have been suspended from doing business with the U.S. government, and a conviction could have brought debarment from all government contracts, including providing guard services for the CIA and the State Department in war zones. In recent weeks the Obama administration awarded the company a $120 million State Department security contract, and about $100 million in new CIA work.

The story of Blackwater’s efforts in Sudan is a tale of mixed motives that echo an earlier era of overseas empires, of evangelical Christians who offered to help defend Christian and animist Southern Sudan from the Muslim Arab military dictatorship in the north, but also sought to exploit the region’s oil and mineral wealth.

According to two former senior U.S. officials, the company headed by Prince, who’s long been active in evangelical groups, at one point proposed a broad defense package that would have required Southern Sudan to pledge as much as half its mineral wealth to pay for Blackwater’s services.

It’s also a story of a divided Bush administration. Prince personally lobbied Vice President Dick Cheney to lift the sanctions on Southern Sudan, according to the documents and a former senior U.S. official, who said that one meeting took place aboard Air Force Two. Prince’s aides also helped draft a letter from Southern Sudan’s leader, Salva Kiir, to President George W. Bush seeking an end to the sanctions.

Cheney supported Blackwater’s sales pitch, according to the documents. The State, Justice and Commerce departments, however, investigated whether Blackwater had violated the sanctions that were imposed on Sudan beginning in 1997, some of which the Bush administration lifted in late 2006.

McClatchy reporters reviewed the documents on Blackwater’s drive for a security contract with Sudan and interviewed more than a dozen senior officials who were involved in Sudan policy decisions in the Bush and Obama administrations. None would speak on the record due to the sensitivity surrounding an ongoing law enforcement investigation. The company didn’t respond to repeated requests for comment.

Perhaps the most unique character in the story is Bradford Phillips, a Christian evangelical activist and former congressional aide who runs the Persecution Project Foundation, a Culpeper, Va., nonprofit that works to publicize and alleviate the plight of Sudan’s Christians.

At Prince’s request, Phillips called on the government of Southern Sudan and recommended Blackwater’s protective services. He helped set up meetings between Kiir and Prince in Africa and Washington. The Washington session took place in November 2005 at the J.W. Marriott Hotel, a few blocks from the White House, the documents show.

The chief salesman to the Sudanese during the Washington meeting appears to have been Cofer Black, a former top CIA and State Department official who in 2001 famously demanded that a CIA subordinate kill terrorist leader Osama bin Laden and deliver his head in dry ice.

Southern Sudan had emerged in 2005 as an autonomous region after a U.S.-brokered peace deal ended a 22-year war with the North. Weeks after he took the helm of the new Southern Sudan government, Kiir’s predecessor, John Garang, was killed in an unexplained helicopter crash, and Blackwater’s sales pitch to the Bush administration was that protecting the new leader would support U.S. policy objectives.

The company, however, also saw huge potential profits.

After negotiating a $2 million draft contract to train Kiir’s personal security detail, Blackwater in early 2007 drafted a detailed second proposal, valued at more than $100 million, to equip and train the south’s army. Because the south lacked ready cash, Blackwater sought 50 percent of the south’s untapped mineral wealth, a former senior U.S. official said.

In addition to its well-known oil and natural gas reserves, Southern Sudan has vast untapped reserves of gold, iron and diamonds.

“Most people don’t know this stuff exists. These guys did,” said a second former senior official who saw the document, which apparently was never signed.

Ultimately, though, Blackwater’s venture in Southern Sudan foundered, U.S. officials said.

“Blackwater had some problems in Iraq,” said Deng Deng Nhial, the deputy chief of Southern Sudan’s Washington office. “Nothing really materialized. No services were performed.”

Deng said he had “no knowledge” that any contracts had been negotiated or signed.

Federal investigators, however, found evidence that Blackwater’s sales campaign had violated U.S. sanctions, export control laws and the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, which is designed to prevent U.S. companies from bribing foreign officials in return for business, according to the officials and documents.

The suspected violations included brokering for defense services without a U.S. government-approved license; transferring satellite phones and encrypted e-mail capabilities to Southern Sudanese officials; and attempting to open a joint escrow account with the south’s government at a Minnesota bank.

The focus on Sudan was part of a broader federal probe of Blackwater that began in 2006 and also examined the alleged bribery of foreign officials in Jordan, Iraq and Sudan and the alleged illegal exports of rifles, silencers and other military hardware to the Middle East, some of it hidden in pallets of dog food.

The U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of North Carolina, where Xe Services is based, established a special task force that at times comprised as many as two dozen federal agents from at least eight U.S. agencies. They included the Justice, State, Defense, Homeland Security, Treasury and Commerce departments, and the FBI and CIA Inspector General’s office.

Prosecutors convened a grand jury in North Carolina to consider the case.

In April, a federal grand jury in that state indicted former Blackwater president Gary Jackson, former general counsel Andrew Howell and three other ex-employees for violating U.S. firearms laws, including falsifying federal paperwork to conceal a gift of firearms to King Abdullah II of Jordan, with whom the company had extensive ties.

No charges have been brought against the company itself, or against Prince or current executives.

Prince, who founded the firm in 1997 and won more than $1.6 billion in unclassified federal contracts and an unknown amount of secret work, announced in early June that he plans to sell Xe Services.

“The intent (of the pending fine) was not to force the company to go out of business. That may be the result – that was not (the) intent,” said the U.S. official familiar with the case and with the pending multimillion-dollar fine.

Why Blackwater hasn’t been charged in the Sudan matter remains contentious.

“These were … allegations of serious violations,” said a former State Department official with knowledge of the case. “Anything that involves a proscribed country like Sudan is … serious.”

Some officials charge that Blackwater has received special treatment, in light of the wide range of alleged export control violations – some of which the company has acknowledged to the U.S. government, according to documents McClatchy has reviewed.

The U.S. official close to the case, who asked that neither he nor his agency be named, indicated that there are differences over whether there’s sufficient evidence to support a successful prosecution. Moreover, he said, Xe has improved its export control practices.

The official also emphasized that “Southern Sudan was a very unique beast,” a U.S.-backed enclave within a country that was under stiff American sanctions.

Justice Department spokesman Dean Boyd said the department doesn’t comment on internal deliberations. “The Justice Department follows the facts and the evidence wherever they lead in investigations and prosecutions, and will continue to do so,” he said.

If the renamed Blackwater were indicted under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and the International Traffic in Arms Regulations, it would cost Xe Services more than 95 percent of its business.

As Blackwater, that business included protecting the CIA’s Kabul station and participating in a never-implemented program to hunt down and kill al-Qaida leaders.

Blackwater’s failed foray into Sudan began as an attempt to branch out from its work in Iraq, which peaked in 2006, where it first gained international attention after four of its security guards were ambushed and killed, and two of the charred bodies hung on a bridge in the town of Fallujah in March 2004.

Africa was a new market, and Sudan’s Christian-Muslim divide looked to some within Blackwater as a front in Bush’s “war on terrorism.”

Several officials with knowledge of Sudan policy said the State Department and CIA initially encouraged Blackwater to explore providing protection for Southern Sudan’s leaders, fearing they could be targeted for assassination.

The Bush administration promised protection, secure communications and air transport to Garang, the long-time Southern Sudanese rebel leader, said a U.S. official with years of experience in Sudan. The promise went unfulfilled, however, and Garang’s untimely death in July 2005 caused great bitterness among his backers in Washington.

A month earlier, Prince had met with Bradford Phillips, who knew Garang, to discuss possible Blackwater training for the Southern Sudanese leader’s security detail.

The two men had met years earlier through their fathers, industrialist Edgar Prince and conservative activist Howard Phillips, both prominent in the Christian conservative movement.

That fall, Blackwater formally retained Phillips, who traveled to the Southern Sudanese capital of Juba, where he promoted Blackwater to Kiir, who was Garang’s successor.

Christopher Taylor, a Blackwater vice president who led the company’s Sudan initiative, accompanied Phillips on two subsequent trips.

Phillips didn’t respond to repeated requests for comment and ordered a reporter who visited his Charlottesville, Va., home to get off his property. Reached by phone, Taylor declined comment for this report. Neither man has been charged with any wrongdoing.

Documents show there was extensive activity by the company well before the U.S. sanctions against Southern Sudan were lifted in late 2006. In November 2005, Kiir traveled to Washington on his first official visit and met Cheney.

While there, Kiir and his aides met Blackwater executives, including Prince, Taylor and Black, the veteran CIA officer. At the Marriott hotel, Black delivered a presentation on Blackwater’s capabilities and urged Kiir to lobby Bush to lift the sanctions on Southern Sudan.

Several days later, accompanied by Philips, two of Kiir’s close advisers toured Blackwater’s sprawling Moyock, N.C., facility.

A senior Southern Sudanese official confirmed the trip to Blackwater’s headquarters, and said Kiir’s government was interested in elite bodyguard training and secure satellite phones that couldn’t be intercepted by the Khartoum government.

Taylor and Phillips then visited Sudan in February 2006. Taylor gave Kiir and his aides the satellite phones, access to the secure e-mail accounts and a formal proposal for Blackwater protective services.

Over subsequent months, and while the U.S. sanctions were still in effect, Blackwater pressed its sales drive, which included a meeting between Prince and Kiir in Nairobi, Kenya, and a third visit to Sudan by Taylor.

Bush lifted the U.S. sanctions on Southern Sudan by executive order on Oct. 13, 2006, but by that time, federal investigators had concluded that Blackwater had already crossed the permissible line in brokering defense services.

Eleven days later, Blackwater and Southern Sudan concluded preliminary negotiations on a contract to train Kiir’s bodyguards. It’s not clear whether the contract was ever implemented.

Sudan, Africa’s largest country in land area, was riven by a 22-year civil war between the mostly Muslim north and the Christian and animist south that killed an estimated 2 million people and forced millions more to flee. The International Criminal Court last year charged Sudan’s president, Omar al Bashir, with war crimes stemming from the conflict in Sudan’s Darfur region and which the U.S. has called genocide.

Sudan was added to the State Department’s list of state sponsors of terrorism in the 1990s, in part because it harbored Osama bin Laden. President Bill Clinton imposed comprehensive sanctions on the country in 1997 in an attempt to weaken the country’s Islamic dictatorship.

The 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, brokered with U.S. help, ended the north-south war. However, there’s widespread concern that civil war could erupt again if the south chooses to secede in a referendum scheduled for January. Both sides are rapidly arming themselves, Sudan specialists say.

(Landay and Strobel reported from Washington. Neff, of the Raleigh News & Observer, reported from Raleigh, N.C. McClatchy special correspondent Alan Boswell in Juba, Sudan, and intern Maggie Bridgeman in Washington contributed to this report.)


Bullying and racism

including racial harassment and racial discrimination

The UK Parliament passed the Race Relations Act in 1976 but nearly a quarter of a century on, racism in the UK is still prevalent. Following the Stephen Lawrence inquiry, attitudes within London’s Metropolitan Police have been described as “institutionalised racism”.

A recent report Equality and Fairness in the Fire Service by Graham Meldrum, the service’s chief inspector, highlighted the institutionalised nature of racism and sexism within the UK Fire Service. Criticising the leadership style and culture within the fire service, the in-depth review of equality and fairness was prompted by the serious under-representation of women and ethnic minorities. There was also widespread evidence of sexism and homophobia.

In October 1999, racism and bullying were in the news again as Ford Motor Company workers at Dagenham, England, were threatening strike action amidst growing claims of racially-motivated bullying and harassment which the workforce and unions allege were not being dealt with by Ford management. US Ford Motor Company chief executive Jacques Nasser flew in to answer union criticisms of institutionalised racism. In September 2000, Ford Motor Company UK recruited Surinder Sharma, former head of equality and diversity at Littlewoods Home Shopping Group and a regular speaker at conferences on the progress Littlewoods have made with their anti-bullying policy, as Ford’s European diversity director. Ford also recruited former TUC equal rights policy officer Kamaljeet Jandu as Ford UK national diversity manager.

Bully OnLine, a gold mine of insight and information on bullying, harassment and discrimination, b bullying as the main behaviour behind racism, and exposes the principal perpetrator, the serial bully. Everyone, whether subject to racial harassment or not, knows at least one person in their life with the profile of the serial bully. Click here to see … who has this behaviour profile in your life?

Have a look through this web site to recognise the bullies and racists in your life … start with Am I being bullied? then move on to What is bullying? To find out what you can do about bullying, click Action to tackle bullying. Have a look at the profile of the serial bully which is common to harassers, racists, stalkers, rapists, violent partners, abusers, paedophiles, etc.

If bullying, harassment, discrimination and prejudice have resulted in injury to health, commonly called “stress”, see the page on injury to health and the one on the psychiatric injury of trauma, a collection of symptoms congruent with the diagnostic criteria for Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, or PTSD.

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Also see: “Death Squad Leader Wins Colombian Election”

“… Honduran congressman Porfirio “Pepe” Lobo hired him after the former president — Chávez acolyte Manuel Zelaya — was forced out by the military. Rendón guided Lobo to the presidential palace, a victory he casts as a blow to Chávez. …”

J.J. Rendon is Latin America’s Karl Rove

July 1, 2010

J.J. Rendón

A little before noon on a spring day, J.J. Rendón wakes up and dresses as usual in a Jedi-like black frock. He takes a drag on a cigarette and rubs sleep from his dark eyes. Golden statues line his shelves, and water burbles over a Buddhist shrine that’s a centerpiece of his bayside condo in Brickell’s Jade Residences, a 48-story tower with private elevators activated by thumbprint readers.

“My entire career, I’ve fought for democracy, equality, and civil rights,” he says in a quiet, sandpaper voice. “That’s made me unpopular in some circles.” Rendón is virtually unknown in Miami, where he lives in exile from his native Caracas, but he’s become one of Latin America’s most important political figures, a Karl Rove-esque gun-for-hire for right-leaning candidates from Mexico to Honduras, Venezuela, the Dominican Republic, and Aruba. His biggest triumph yet came last month in Colombia’s presidential race, when he transformed a tightly knotted two-man race into a landslide victory for Juan Manuel Santos. Rendón says he pulled off the win with shrewd management and a mastery of psychology. But Colombian journalists complain that his knack for gossip-mongering and engineering underground attacks — a skill that earned him the nickname “J.J. Rumor” — tainted the election. “Rendón is seen as this malevolent figure in Colombia,” says María Teresa Ronderos, an editor at Colombia’s Semana magazine. “Santos had a weak campaign until he hired Rendón. Some think he helped not just by reorganizing, but also with rumors and with dirty tricks.” Rendón, of course, says he plays clean. Recently, he even took the fight over his reputation to Miami courts, filing defamation suits against Radio Caracol (1260 AM) and a prominent Mexican gubernatorial candidate. He says the station smeared him by reporting he’d blackmailed a Colombian official, and the candidate falsely accused him of working for the CIA. “If you can prove I did anything illegal, go to the judge,” he says, chuckling softly. “It’s just talking. There’s no substance there at all.” Rendón was born in 1964 in Caracas. His mother and father were local organizers for Acción Democrática, a political party that helped end dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez’s reign in 1958. Throughout his childhood, local party candidates held rallies and meetings in the family home. Young J.J. — short for Juan José — studied psychology at universities in Caracas and Italy before landing an advertising job in his early 20s. His first political work came by accident, when candidates meeting at his house asked for his help crafting slogans. Rendón showed a preternatural gift for the work. When he was age 24, Rendón volunteered for Carlos Andrés Pérez’s presidential run. He began as a driver but eventually found a spot assisting American consultant Joseph Napolitan, who had helped JFK win office. The American offered the neophyte a list of 30 tips on how to win elections — advice Rendón still heeds today. His big break came five years later, when he was hired to help run the sputtering presidential campaign of Rafael Caldera. Caldera won a narrow victory, and Rendón earned credit as the mind behind the win. From these early influences, he crafted an edgy political style. “If it’s within the law, then I don’t have any misgivings,” he recently told Semana. Part of his success has also been a carefully cultivated image. He not only talks often about Eastern mysticism, but also wears a flowing dark wardrobe. He stares intensely, his pale skin and prominent forehead suggesting a sly Bond villain. After Rendón’s name became known in Venezuela, politicians in Aruba and the Dominican Republic called on him. In 2000, after Vicente Fox ended the Institutional Revolutionary Party’s seven-decade stranglehold on Mexico’s presidency, the party hired him. It was then when he went from backstage to center stage. The press began vigorously attacking his style, calling him, for instance, a “neo-Nazi Venezuelan.” One report claimed he had started rumors in a Michoacan election that a candidate was gay and had a “network of Cuban horsemen” at the ready to pleasure him. In 2004, Rendón picked a very public fight with Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, claiming on national TV that voting machines had been rigged in a recall vote. He hasn’t been back to his homeland since. Though Chávez never directly threatened him, he says, “Friends told me I would never even get out of the airport if I returned.” He got a measure of revenge last year when Honduran congressman Porfirio “Pepe” Lobo hired him after the former president — Chávez acolyte Manuel Zelaya — was forced out by the military. Rendón guided Lobo to the presidential palace, a victory he casts as a blow to Chávez. It didn’t take long for Rendón’s reputation to become an issue in Colombia’s presidential race. He was already well known there after working for outgoing president Alvaro Uribe’s Party. In 2007, several newspapers claimed Rendón had tried to blackmail a party official with threats of exposing the man’s use of prostitutes. http://www.miaminewtimes.com/2010-07-01/news/j-j-rendon-is-latin-america-s-karl-rove/