September 11, 2008 - The Constantine Report    
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading
March 5th 2020 12

Are you using the best credit card when ordering food for delivery?

The key to more success is to have a lot of pillows. Always remember in the jungle there’s a lot of they in there, after you will make it to paradise. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water.

Continue reading

Officials: Bush secretly OK'd raids in Pakistan

This is a modified py-6 that occupies the entire horizontal space of its parent.

Associated Press

WASHINGTON – President Bush secretly approved U.S. military raids inside Pakistan against alleged terrorist targets, according to current and former U.S. officials with recent access to the Bush administration’s debate about how to fight al-Qaida and the Taliban inside the lawless tribal border area. The officials spoke Thursday on condition of anonymity to describe the classified order. …



Angry state legislators have demanded that Gov. George Deukmejian dismiss his appointees to California’s Bicentennial Commission for approving for sale a history textbook that includes an essay on slavery that refers to black children as ”pickaninnies” and says that the ”constant fear of slave rebellion” made life for Southern whites ”a nightmare.”

Sale of the book, which was being used to raise money for California’s observance of the bicentennial of the United States Constitution, was halted on Feb. 6. Governor Deukmejian announced an investigation to determine why the three nonsalaried members he appointed to the five-member commission voted to use the book. He also characterized their action as ”grossly negligent” if they failed to read the entire book before approving its use.

Commission Issues Apology

On Friday the commission issued an apology, saying that it was ”clearly a serious error in judgment to have approved the sale of the book.”

The book, The Making of America, is published by the National Center for Constitutional Studies, formerly known as the Freeman Institute, a conservative organization based in Salt Lake City.

Jeffrey D. Allen, who was hired by the commissioners as executive director of the bicentennial commission and who formerly worked for four years as a director of the National Center for Constitutional Studies, said portions of the book cited by critics as racist were ”largely taken out of context.”

The section of the book that has raised the greatest objection is a 1934 essay on slavery by the historian Fred Albert Shannon.

Referring to the standard of living on plantations, the essay said, ”If the pickaninnies ran naked it was generally from choice, and when the white boys had to put on shoes and go away to school they were likely to envy the freedom of their colored playmates.”

Slave Owner as Victim

Other sections present a picture of the white slave owner as victimized by malingering blacks who shirked their duties and left their owners with a costly burden of supporting them and their numerous offspring, concluding that ”slave owners were the worst victims of the system.”

Mr. Allen said that while he ”acknowledges the concerns” of the book’s critics, he did ”not share those concerns.” He said he felt ”comfortable” with the book because he had worked with the author, W. Cleon Skousen, and considered him a friend.

The author, who is the founder and president of the National Center for Constitutional Studies, spent 16 years in the Federal Bureau of Investigation and was a aide to J. Edgar Hoover. According to the Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith, Mr. Skousen was a founder of the John Birch Society in Utah.

Calls to Mr. Skousen were referred to Bryan Neville, the manager of customer relations for the center’s office in Salt Lake City. Mr. Neville called criticism of the book ”ludicrous” and said the use of the word ”pickaninnies” was not ”a racial aspersion” but was ”a term of affection used by blacks themselves.”

Action Called ‘Outrageous’

Mr. Neville, in turn, attacked as ”outrageous” the work of People for the American Way, a liberal political organization founded by the television producer Norman Lear, which has lobbied against the book nationwide.

Mr. Allen said he left Mr. Skousen’s organization in 1984. But a newsletter that the group published in February 1985 announcing the publication of the book and commending the center’s various state boards for expanding the influence of the group in schools and ”making a greater impression on the local political leaders” still listed him as a seminar coordinator.

Another board member who recently resigned is Ronald Mann, the Deputy Director of the Commission on the Bicentennial of the U.S. Constitution. Mr. Mann is also listed as a contributor to the book.

Contacted at his office in Washington, Mr. Mann, who is the former assistant head of the Office of Personnel Management for the Reagan Administration, said he served on the center’s board for about two years before resigning last October. He said his only contribution to the book was a donation of engravings that were reproduced in it.

Mr. Mann said he attended two meetings of the board and had no part in the organization of a conference for state legislators in Phoenix in December 1985 that featured a workshop on the Constitution given by the center. Financing for the conference, including travel, meals and hotel accommodations, were paid for by Causa, the nonprofit political arm of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon’s Unification Church.

Objections to the contents of the book were made by State Senator Gary K. Hart, a Democrat from Santa Barbara, who had sponsored legislation to establish the Bicentennial Commission.

”The content of this textbook is racist and bigoted,” Mr. Hart said. ”The book contains an extremist ideological treatment of the U.S. Constitution.” Mr. Hart also called for an investigation by the State Auditor General of expenditures made by the commission.

04.09.2008 Source: Pravda.Ru

Defense strategists place their stakes on high-tech weapons. Nearly all superpowers of the world conduct their works in the development of such weapons. It transpired recently that Russian scientists developed a generator, the capacity of which is comparable to that of a nuclear unit. It is a genuine scientific breakthrough, and it is already clear that the defense industry will not be the only field where the new super device is going to be used.

An individual, who is miles away from physics and is only familiar with home electricity, will not be able to imagine the power of several billions of watts. It will be even harder to imagine that such power can be generated by a device that is fit to be placed on a table.

“The devices generating such power – billions of watts – used to be very large in size before. This appliance has a very short impulse, which makes it possible to have it on a desk – it is a very compact device,” the Director of Lebedev’s Institute of Physics, Vice President of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Gennady Mesyats said.

Mikhail Yalandin, one of the creators of the miraculous machine, said that the scientists had assembled two of such devices in Yekaterinburg – a bigger and a smaller one.

Never before had a relatively small device ever been able to generate electromagnetic impulses the capacity of which could be comparable to a huge water power plant. It is ten times as much as any foreign-made analogue.

The new device can be used practically anywhere. The invention will let specialists create radar telescopes and radars of new generation. Missile troops and defense departments on the whole will most likely be the first customers to order the appliance. The new generators can also be used to check the stability of large energy objects and systems. The device is capable of imitating the strays which appear as a result of a lightning strike or even a nuclear blast.

It is impossible to take photographs or film a video of the new generator in action because it immediately puts all electronic devices out of order.

The research that was used for the creation of such a device can be applied in the development of electromagnetic weapons.

“No one has ever studied biological effects of such impulses. It is obvious that it affects the electronic equipment near it. Computers or cell phones have to be screened from such radiation,” Mikhail Yalandin, a senior specialist of the Institute of Electrophysics said.

The device was called Nika, which means ‘victory’.

Also see: “The Jets and Giants and Nazi Collaborators”

Artist’s rendering of the proposed stadium (Photo: Courtesy of New York New Jersey Football)

The fact that sports stadiums are branded with corporate sponsorships isn’t really a hot topic anymore. At this point, all fans really ask is that the company buying the rights try not to change its name every three weeks, and, if at all possible, maybe not have any deep historic connections to Nazi Germany. Fans are easy to please like that.

Unfortunately, the Giants and Jets don’t seem to have gotten the memo about that second one. According to the Times, they’re negotiating to possibly sell the naming rights for their new Meadowlands stadium to Allianz, “a Munich-based insurer and financial services company with disturbing connections to Nazi Germany.”

What connections, you might ask? Explains Richard Sandomir in the Times:

Allianz insured facilities and personnel at concentration camps like Auschwitz and Dachau. Kurt Schmitt, its chief executive in the 1930s, served as Hitler’s second economics minister and can be seen in a photograph from a rally wearing an SS-Oberführer’s uniform and delivering the Nazi salute with Hitler standing in front of him.

Like other insurers in Germany at the time, Allianz followed anti-Semitic policies by terminating or refusing to pay off the life insurance policies of Jews, and sent cash that was due beneficiaries and survivors to the Nazis.

It also became the insurer of Jewish valuables taken by the Nazis.

Now, in fairness, Allianz has paid more than $12 million through the International Commission on Holocaust Era Insurance Claims, but still: a Nazi insurer! It probably goes without saying that this is a pretty bad idea, but we will say this: If Allianz does buy the rights, that stadium name won’t change for a looong time. After all, if the company didn’t bother to change its name after that whole being-involved-in-the-Holocaust business, it never will.

By Greg Miller
Los Angeles Times
February 17, 2008

After 9/11, the agency spent millions setting up front companies overseas to snag terrorists. Officials now say the bogus firms were ill-conceived and not close enough to Muslim enclaves.

The CIA set up a network of front companies in Europe and elsewhere after the Sept. 11 attacks as part of a constellation of “black stations” for a new generation of spies, according to current and former agency officials.

But after spending hundreds of millions of dollars setting up as many as 12 of the companies, the agency shut down all but two after concluding they were ill-conceived and poorly positioned for gathering intelligence on the CIA’s principal targets: terrorist groups and unconventional weapons proliferation networks.

The closures were a blow to two of the CIA’s most pressing priorities after Sept. 11– expanding its overseas presence and changing the way it deploys spies.

The companies were the centerpiece of an ambitious plan to increase the number of case officers sent overseas under what is known as “nonofficial cover,” meaning they would pose as employees of investment banks, consulting firms or other fictitious enterprises with no apparent ties to the U.S. government.

But the plan became the source of significant dispute within the agency and was plagued with problems, officials said. The bogus companies were located far from Muslim enclaves in Europe and other targets. Their size raised concerns that one mistake would blow the cover of many agents. And because business travelers don’t ordinarily come into contact with Al Qaeda or other high-priority adversaries, officials said, the cover didn’t work.

Summing up what many considered the fatal flaw of the program, one former high-ranking CIA official said, “They were built on the theory of the ‘Field of Dreams’: Build them and the targets will come.”

Officials said the experience reflected an ongoing struggle at the CIA to adapt to a new environment in espionage. The agency has sought to regroup by designing covers that would provide pretexts for spies to get close to radical Muslim groups, nuclear equipment manufacturers and other high-priority targets.

But current and former officials say progress has been painfully slow, and that the agency’s efforts to alter its use of personal and corporate disguises have yet to produce a significant penetration of a terrorist or weapons proliferation network.

“I don’t believe the intelligence community has made the fundamental shift in how it operates to adapt to the different targets that are out there,” said Rep. Peter Hoekstra of Michigan, the top Republican on the House Intelligence Committee.

The cover arrangements most commonly employed by the CIA “don’t get you near radical Islam,” Hoekstra said, adding that six years after the Sept. 11 attacks, “We don’t have nearly the kind of penetrations I would have expected against hard targets.”

Whatever their cover, the CIA’s spies are unlikely to single-handedly penetrate terrorist or proliferation groups, officials said. Instead, the agency stalks informants around the edges of such quarry – moderate Muslims troubled by the radical message at their mosques; mercenary shipping companies that might accept illicit nuclear components as cargo; chemists whose colleagues have suspicious contacts with extremist groups.

Agency officials declined to respond to questions about the front companies and the decision to close them.

“Cover is designed to protect the officers and operations that protect America,” CIA spokesman Paul Gimigliano said. “The CIA does not, for that very compelling reason, publicly discuss cover in detail.”

But senior CIA officials have publicly acknowledged that the agency has devoted considerable energy to creating new ways for its case officers – the CIA’s term for its overseas spies – to operate under false identities.

“In terms of the collection of intelligence, there has been a great deal of emphasis for us to use nontraditional methods,” CIA Director Michael V. Hayden said in November 2006 radio interview shortly after taking the helm at the agency. “For us that means nontraditional platforms – what folks call ‘out of embassy’ platforms – and we’re progressing along those lines.”

The vast majority of the CIA’s spies traditionally have operated under what is known as official cover, meaning they pose as U.S. diplomats or employees of another government agency.

The approach has advantages, including diplomatic immunity, which means that an operative under official cover might get kicked out of a country if he is caught spying, but won’t be imprisoned or executed.

Official cover is also cheaper and easier. Front companies can take a year or more to set up. They require renting office space, having staff to answer phones and paying for cars and other props. They also involve creating fictitious client lists and resumes that can withstand sustained scrutiny.

One of the CIA’s commercial cover platforms was exposed in 2003 when undercover officer Valerie Plame was outed in a newspaper column by Robert Novak. Public records quickly led to the unraveling of the company that served as her cover during overseas trips, a fictitious CIA firm called Brewster Jennings & Associates.

Official cover worked well for the duration of the Cold War, when holding a job at a U.S. Embassy enabled American spies to make contact with Soviet officials and other communist targets.

But many intelligence officials are convinced that embassy posts aren’t useful against a new breed of adversaries. “Terrorists and weapons proliferators aren’t going to be on the diplomatic cocktail circuit,” said one government official familiar with the CIA’s cover operations.

After the terrorist strikes, the Bush administration ordered the agency to expand its overseas operation by 50%. The agency came under intense pressure from Congress to alter its approach to designing cover and got a major boost in funding to expand the nonofficial cover program, which is commonly referred to by the acronym NOC, pronounced “knock.”

Although the agency has used nonofficial cover throughout its history, the newer front companies were designed to operate on a different scale. Rather than setting up one- or two-person consulting firms, the plan called for the creation of a companies that would employ between six and nine case officers apiece, plus support staff.

The NOC program typically had functioned as an elite entity, made up of a small number of carefully selected case officers, some of whom would spend years in training and a decade or more overseas with only intermittent contact with headquarters. But the new plan called for the front companies to serve as way stations even for relatively inexperienced officers, who would be rotated in and out much the way they would in standard embassy assignments.

“The idea was that these were going to be almost like black stations,” said a former CIA official involved in the plan to form the companies. “We were trying to build something that had a life span, that had durability.”

In the process, the agency hoped to break a logjam in getting post-Sept. 11 recruits overseas. Thousands of applicants had rushed to join the CIA after the attacks, and many were sent to Afghanistan and Iraq. But outside of those war zones, open slots were scarce.

“The embassies were full,” said a former CIA official involved in deployment decisions. “We were losing officers by the dozens because we didn’t have slots for them overseas.”

In separate interviews, two former CIA case officers who joined the agency after the attacks said that 15% to 20% of their classmates had quit within a few years. Among them, they said, was one who had earned his master’s in business administration from Harvard University and was fluent in Chinese and another who had left a high-paying job at the investment firm Goldman Sachs.

The front companies were created between 2002 and 2004, officials said, and most were set up to look like consulting firms or other businesses designed to be deliberately bland enough to escape attention.

About half were set up in Europe, officials said – in part to put the agency in better position to track radical Muslim groups there, but also because of the ease of travel and comfortable living conditions. That consideration vexed some CIA veterans.

“How do you let someone have a white-collar lifestyle and be part of the blue-collar terrorist infrastructure?” said one high-ranking official who was critical of the program.

But the plan was to use the companies solely as bases. Case officers were forbidden from conducting operations in the country where their company was located. Instead, they were expected to adopt second and sometimes third aliases before traveling to their targets. The companies, known as platforms, would then remain intact to serve as vessels for the next crop of case officers who would have different targets.

The concept triggered fierce debate within the agency, officials said.

“This was a very bitter fight,” said a CIA official who was a proponent of the plan because it insulated the fictitious firms from the actual work of espionage.

“When you link the cover to the operation, the minute the operation starts getting dicey, you run across the screen of the local police, the local [intelligence service] or even the senior people in the mosque,” the official said. “I saw this kill these platforms repeatedly. The CIA invests millions of dollars and then something goes wrong and it’s gone.”

But critics called the arrangement convoluted, and argued that whatever energy the agency was devoting to the creation of covers should be focused on platforms that could get U.S. spies close to their most important targets.

“How does a businessman contact a terrorist?” said a former CIA official involved in the decision to shut the companies down. “If you’re out there selling widgets, why are you walking around a mosque in Hamburg?”

Rather than random businesses, these officials said, the agency should be creating student aid organizations that work with Muslim students, or financial firms that associate with Arab investors.

Besides broad concerns about the approach, officials said there were other problems with the companies. Some questioned where they were located. One, for example, was set up in Portugal, even though its principal targets were in North Africa.

The issue became so divisive that the agency’s then-director, Porter J. Goss, tapped the official then in charge of the CIA’s European division, Rolf Mowatt-Larssen, to lead an in-house review of the NOC strategy.

Mowatt-Larssen sided with critics of the approach and began pulling the plug on the companies before he left the agency to take a senior intelligence post at the Department of Energy, officials said. Mowatt-Larssen declined to comment.

The agency is in the midst of rolling out a series of new platforms that are more narrowly targeted, officials said. The External Operations and Cover Division has been placed under Eric Pound, a veteran foreign officer who was CIA station chief in Athens during the 2004 Olympics.

But the agency is still struggling to overcome obstacles, including resistance from many of the agency’s station chiefs overseas, most of whom rose through the ranks under traditional cover assignments and regard the NOC program with suspicion and distrust.

In one recent case, officials said, the CIA’s station chief in Saudi Arabia vetoed a plan to send a NOC officer who had spent years developing credentials in the nuclear field to an energy conference in Riyadh.

The NOC “had been invited to the conference, had seen a list of invitees and saw a target he had been trying to get to,” said a former CIA official familiar with the matter. “The boss said, ‘No, that’s why we have case officers here.’ ”

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